Kostur dialect is spoken in the territory around the town of Kostur (Καστοριά) (Kostursko) in northwestern Greece, in the village of Vrъbnik (Vërnik) and in the town of Bilishcha (Bilisht) on Albanian territory, and in Novo Konomladi near Petrich in Bulgaria. To the southwest, Kostursko borders Epirus and Korchansko – a natural border is Mount Gramos with its foothills. To the north, the Vich mountain and the Nered mountain connect this area with Lerinsko. To the northwest the Gorbets mountain separates Kostursko from Dolnoprespansko, and the Snezhnik (Sinyachko) mountain, located in the southeast, separates it from Kaylyarsko and Kozhansko.

The Kostursko region is a high valley (800-1000 m.), surrounded by high mountains, in the center of which is the town of Kostur with the lake of the same name. Due to this special geographical situation, the language of its population is separated into a separate dialect.

The region encompassed by the Kostur dialect is situated at the extreme southwest corner of the Bulgarian language territory. Together with Lerin, Korcha, Solun, Syar and Drama dialects, Kostur dialect makes a part of a southern continuum of Bulgarian dialects that preserves many Old Bulgarian language features. This continuum is partially broken only by the Kukush-Voden dialect group in which can be found some newer language features admixed on top of the old Bulgarian ones.

Kostur region encompases about a hundred villages either with pure or mixed populations of Bulgarians, Walachians, Greeks an d Albanians. Before WWII the Bulgarian population predominated. Many of the villages were destroyed or severely depopulated during the Greek Civil War, and their inhabitants fled to Bulgaria and other Eastern European countries. Many people from Kostursko moved to Canada, the USA and Australia, where the dialect is still spoken by the oldest generation and by the first generation of their children born in North America. The dialect in Gòrna Korèshcha differs more strongly from the others, because it is transitional to the Lower Prespa dialect and shares many common features with it.

Kostur dialect is divided into five sub-dialects located on the following areas: Dòlna Korèshcha, Gòrna Korèshcha (both northwest of Kostur); Popòle, located east of Kostur and the Belitsa river basin; Northern Nestram and Gramos - southeast of Kostur; Kostenarìa – in the extreme southwest of Kostur region.

The villages of Zhelevo (Ανταρτικό), Oshchima (Τρίγωνο), Rulya (Κώτας), Tъrnaa or Tъrnava (Πράσινο), Besvina (Σφήκα) and others belong to Gorna Koreshcha.

Dolna Koreshcha includes Kosinets (Ιεροπηγή), Smъrdesh (Κρυσταλλοπηγή), Dъmbeni (Δενδοχώρι), Labanitsa (Άγιος Δημήτριος), Vъmbel (Μοσχοχώρι), Konomladi (Μακροχώρι), Statitsa (Μελάς), Gorno and Dolno Drenoveni (Κρανιώνας), Gabresh (Γάβρος), the former Pomak village Zherveni (Άγιος Αντώνιος) which is now inhabited by Greek settlers and so on. During the Greek civil war, the villages of Kosinets, Smъrdes, Dъmbeni, Lobanitsa, Vъmbel, Besvina, Tъrnaa, Gabresh were completely devastated. A small population lives in the remaining villages. In some of the devastated settlements (Smъrdesh, Dъmbeni), Grekoman Vlachs from Epirus were settled.

In the next tables numbers designate indicator villages that are included in the phonetic maps.

Gorna and Dolna Koreshcha

1. Kòsinets	2. Smъ̀rdesh	3. Dъ̀mbeni	Labànitsa (Lobànitsa)
36. Kъ̀rchischa	Vъ̀rbnik	4. Vъ̀mbel	5. Brèznitsa
10. Stàtitsa	11. Konòmladi	Tùrye	Pozdìvishcha
Gòrno, Dòlno Drenòveni	Chъrnòvishcha	Gàbresh	Zhèrveni
Zhupànishcha	17. Àposkep	8. Zhelevo	Oshchima
6. Rùlya	7. Tъ̀rnaa	9. Bèsvina

The villages in Popole are: Zagoricheni (Βασιλειάδα), Churilovo (Άγιος Νικόλαος), Mokreni (Βαρικό), Mavrovo (Μαυροχώρι), Visheni (Βυσσινιά), Chereshnitsa (Πολυκέρασο), Bapchor (Βαψώρι), Prekopana (Περικοπή), Klisura (Κλεισούρα or Βλαχοκλεισούρα), Bogatsko (Βογατσικό) and others. The villages of Churilovo, Mokreni, Bobishcha, Zdreltsa, Kondorbi, Sheshteovo, Visheni, Blatsa, Chereshnitsa, Bъmbuki, Tiolishcha, Olishcha still keep their old appearance. In the villages of Zagoricheni, Kumanichevo, Gorentsi, Mavrovo, Lichishcha, Setoma, in addition to the old population, there are also Greek immigrants. The population of the villages of Kosturadzhe, Loshnitsa, Bogatsko and Dupyak is completely Greek. Arnauts live in Eleovo, Vlachs live in Klisura and Grъtsko Blatsa, and only immigrants from Asia Minor live in Fotinishcha. Now Bapchor is devastated, and only 5-6 houses remain in Prekopana.

Popole

26. Zagorìcheni	Kumanìchevo	Churìlovo	27. Mòkreni
28. Bòbishcha	29. Gòrenci	Màvrovo	Dùpyak
30. Zdrèltsa	Kъ̀rpeni	Lìchishcha	Fotìnishcha
Kondòrbi	Sètoma	18. Sheshtèovo	19. Vìsheni
21. Bъ̀lgarsko Blàtsa	23. Cherèshnitsa	Bъ̀mbuki	22. Tiòlishcha
20. Bàpchor	24. Prekopàna	25. Òlishcha	Klìsura
31. Kosturàdzhe	Lòshnitsa	Elèovo	Bogàtsko
Gъ̀rtsko Blàtsa

Nestramsko is the region at the turn of the river Belitsa in the direction Kostur lake – Gramos and includes: Nestram (Νεστόριο), Chuka (Αρχάγγελος), Tikveni (Κολοκυνθού), Ludovo (Κρύα Νερά), Gramos (Γράμμος), Osheni (Οινόη), Zabъrdene (Μελάνθιο), etc. A significant number of the old population today lives in the large village of Nestram, in smaller numbers in the villages of Dranichevo, Chifliko, Dobrolishcha, Tikveni, Manyak, Chetirok, Izglebe, Breshchene, Galishcha, Zhelin and Tsakoni. The villages of Stentsko, Chuka, Grache, Papratsko, Yanovene, Pilьkadi, Kalevishcha, Shlimnitsa are depopulated. In 1923, the Bulgarian-Mohammedans were evicted to Turkey from the villages of Galishcha, Sveta Nedelya, Zabъrdene, Gorno Papratsko, Osheni and Gъrleni, and Greek immigrants were settled in their place.

Nestramsko

46. Nèstram	45. Stèntsko	43. Chùka	34. Gràche
44. Dranìchevo	47. Chìfliko (Radogòzhe)	Tìkveni	Mànyak
Òrman	48. Dobròlishcha	15. Tsàkoni	14. Zhèlin
Zhelegòzhe	48. Chètirok	Ìzglibe	Brèshchene
Gàlishcha	Psòre	Lùdovo	Svèta Nedèlya
35. Pàpratsko	Drènovo	42. Òmotsko	41. Yanovène
39. Pìlьkadi	38. Kalèvishcha	40. Shlìmnitsa	37. Novosèlyani
Gъ̀rleni	Gràmos	Òsheni	Vìchishcha
Zabъ̀rdene

Kostenaria is the mountaineous region south of the large village Hrupishche and includes: Pesyak (Αμμουδάρα), Bela Tsъrkva (Ασπροκκλησιά), Starichene (Λακκώματα), Markovene (Αμπελοχώρι), Gosno (Λαχανόκηποι), Ezerets (Πετροπουλάκι), Lebyshevo (Άγιος Ηλίας), Vitan (Βοτάνι) and others. Due to the mountainous nature of the Kostenaria area, the inhabitants of the villages were few in number even in the past. Today, there are only a small number of families in these villages.

Kostenarìa

32. Pèsyak	50. Bèla Tsъrkva	33. Starìchene	52. Zhùzheltse
58. Snìchene	Dòlene	Sèmasi	Markòvene
33. Shkràpar	49. Gòsno	Màrchishcha	Luvràde
56. Èzerets	53. Lebìshevo	55. Mangìla	54. Vidulùshche
Vìtan	51. Nèstime

The dialect of Vrъbnik in Albania is of the type in Dòlna Korèshcha.

There are two towns in Kostursko: Kostur and Rupishcha. Kostur has about 14,000 inhabitants, most of them settled from the surrounding areas. There is a small local Greek population. Immigrants from Asia Minor and the Caucasus were also settled.

Rupishcha has about 5 thousand inhabitants. By ethnic origin, the population is mostly old. In the neighbourhood of Pachura, the Bulgarian language is still spoken today. Vlachs and Greek immigrants also live in the town.

In view of the dialect specifics, the dialect area is divided into two parts: Gornokostursko (Koreshcha (Gorna and Dolna) and Popole) and Dolnokostursko (Nestramsko and Kostenaria).

Place of Kostur dialect among the other Bulgarian dialects

The Kostur dialect belongs to the Western Bulgarian dialects according to the ѣ (Yat) reflex. This phenomenon (ѣ reflex) is relatively recent in the Kostur dialect. In the dictionary from the village of Bogatsko, we see that in the 16th century the Kostur dialect shared the most important Eastern Bulgarian features: the pronunciation of ѣ like я was still in use (хляп, желязо), instead of щ, жд, stands again щ, жд, the consonant x is also preserved.

Map of Kostursko in Shklifov [1] according to the map of D. Yaranov of 1933.
Toponyms are written according to the local pronunciation and stress.

The Kostur dialect also has Eastern Bulgarian features and in many respects appears as an intermediate between Bulgarian eastern and western dialects. The dialect of Gornokostursko with the reflex of the OBg. vowel ъ in о is associated with western dialects, and the reflex of ръ-рь, лъ-ль in ър and ъл — with the eastern dialects. The partial reduction of vowels in the eastern part of Kostursko is an Eastern Bulgarian phenomenon. The reflexes of ѫ in Dolnokostursko are of the eastern type. According to the reflexes of the OBg. combinations щ, жд the Kostur dialect occupies an intermediate position. The reflexes of чрѣ, чрь in the dialect are of eastern and western type. The dialect of Dolnokostursko has phonetic features in common with the Rhodope dialects. In place of ѫ and ъ before the consonant phonemes р, л in Dolnokostursko there is a vowel phoneme ô. The same phoneme is also present in the Rhodope dialects. With the minimal number of soft consonant phonemes (й, л', к', г'), Kostur dialect also occupies a special position among Bulgarian dialects.

The Kostur dialect is organically related to that of the village of Boboshchitsa, Korcha Region [2] and to the rest of the extreme south-western Bulgarian dialects.

General characteristics of Kostur dialect

The Kostur dialect also has its own characteristics that distinguish it as a separate dialect. Some of these features are also shared by neighboring Bulgarian dialects. In the past it attracted the attention of Slavists with the remnants of nasalism.

Characteristic features in phonetics

Remnants of decayed nasalization of OBg. vowels ѫ and ѧ are found in the dialect: пъ̀нда, гъ̀мба, чèндо, пèнда.

Doubled vowel phonemes are present in the dialect, giving the phonetic impression of long vowels. They are mostly found under stress before a missing consonant х: видòоме, правèеме, влàа, кревàаме, извадѝйме, скършѝйме.

As legitimate reflexes of the OBg. combinations шт, жд appear mainly шч and ж: свèшча, лèшча, вèжа,. In the dialect area there are 8 vowel phonemes: и, е, ъ, а, â, о, ô, у. Of these, five phonemes — и, е, а, о, у — are characteristic of the entire dialect area. The phoneme ъ is found in Gornokostursko, and the phonemes â (labial a) and ô (middle o) are found separately in the dialects of the Nestramsko and Kostenaria. Only in the dialect of the village of Nestram is the presence of both vowel phonemes noticeable: мồка, рồка, къ̀рф, чъ̀рн. A positional variant e̥ is also found in the Kostenaria.

There are 23 hard consonant phonemes in the Kostur dialect area: п, б, м, ф, в, т, д, н, с, з, л, л̥, р, р̥, к, г, х, ц, s, ш, ж, ч, џ and 4 soft consonant phonemes: й, л', к', г'.

With the exception of a few villages in Gorna Koreshcha (Zhelevo, Rulya, Besvina, etc.), in the dialect the stress falls mainly on the penultimate syllable. The definite article does not change the character of the stress: дèте — дèтето, жèна — жèната, вòл — волòви — волòвите.

The soft consonant phoneme й can stand after a hard consonant phoneme without changing its hard character: стру̀пйа (стру̀п + йа), дъ̀мбйа (дъмб+йа), лàмйя (лàм + йа), рòфйа (рòф+йа), брàтйа (брàт+йа), бадйàва (бад+йàва), работàнйе, (работàн + йе), ъ̀ржйя (ъ̀рж + йа), нòшйя (нòш + йа), etc.

Characteristic features in morphology

The definite article for mascular singular in the dialect area is mostly o: чòвеко, пъ̀то, òфчаро, крàйо, грàдо.

Verbs in the present third person plural end in e: рабòте, прàве, стàве, пѝше.

The ending -йа, -'a, -я occurs for the plural in feminine nouns and less often masculine nouns: ливàда — ливàдйа — ливàг’а, нѝва — нѝвйа, стру̀п — стру̀пйа.

Neuter gender nouns ending in -e make plural forms mostly ending in -нѝшча, such as: ку̀че — кученѝшча, бѝше — бишенѝшча, чу̀пе — чупенѝшча, пòл’йе — пол’йенѝшча.

The third-person pronoun is тòй, тàйа, тò, тѝйа.

There are traces of the narrative mood only in folklore. It is not used in everyday speech.

The past indefinite tense is formed from the present tense of the verb ѝм (ѝмам) and the past passive participle in the neuter gender: Тòй ѝма пѝсано. Йàс ѝм прàвено.

The conditional mood is formed with the help of a future tense particle: Ке (за)-òде за-вòда, àку не бè бòлен.

In the dialect, there are remnants of the dative case for posession with masculine and neuter nouns: цàротòму, ку̀четòму сѝн.

The e-conjugation is substituted by и in the case when there is no vowel phoneme in front of the present root: Тòй пѝши. Ке пàдни чу̀пето. Да стàниш дòбар стòпан.

Syntax specifics

When the direct object in the sentence is articled, it is preceded by the preposition на which emphasizes definiteness: Йàс вѝду дèте (undefined). Йàс го-вѝду на дèтето (defined). Рàна волòви (undefined). И-рàна на волòвите (definеа). This phenomenon is widespread in Popole and Dolnokostursko.

Lexical features

In Kostur dialect, words characteristic of the dialect area are used, such as грèда 'go', шчу̀кам 'listen', бàрам 'walk', ми-сèмни 'it seems to me', лàпко and лàпка 'apple', прàвдо 'cattle', патàти 'potatoes', се-л’у̀та 'I am angry', кланàтйе 'greeting', сe-снамòжвам 'I get sick', ъ̀рва and съ̀рва 'to tear', мъ̀рса 'I don't fast', etc.

Internal differences

Complete unity of linguistic phenomena is not found in any language. The differences in the dialect of the Kostur population are primarily phonetic in nature. The difference between Dolno- and Gornokostursko is significant among the reflexes of ѫ and ръ-рь, лъ-ль. In the place of ѫ in Gornokostursko there is ъ, and in Dolnokostursko â, ô. Before the consonant phonemes of the above-mentioned combinations in Gornokostursko there is ъ, and in Dolnokostursko â, ô. In Kostenaria, we find e (e̥) before р. The same can be said about the reflexes of чрѣ, чрь. In Dolnokostursko they are: чâр, чôр, чер, and in Gornokostursko mainly чър and цър. The dialect of the Popole region is not uniform, too, since the reduction here does not affect the vowels equally. The dialect of Dolnokostursko preserves more archaisms in every respect, most of all in phonetics.

The villages that are located around the border of the dialect have some features in common with the neighboring dialects. Thus, in phonetic terms, Gorna Koreshcha is close to Dolna Prespa. Regarding the preservation of шт, жд the dialect of the village of Prekopana is the same as the dialect of Aytos, Kailyarsko: къ̀шта, вèжда. In the dialect of the village Bapchor, syllabic р̥ and л̥ are found, as in the village Neret, Lerinsko, and, on the other hand, the Kostur accent is found in some areas of Lerinsko and Kailyarsko.

Phonetics

Modern state of the phonetic system

Vowel phonemes

Almost all the vowel phonemes that are found in the dialects of the Bulgarian linguistic territory are present in the Kostur dialect. Before Shklifov [1], studies on the phonetic system of Kostur dialect did not give a true picture of its rich diversity.

The following 8 vowel phonemes are found in the Kostur dialect area: и, е, ъ, а, â, о, ô, у. The vowel phonemes и, е, а, о, у are characteristic of the entire dialect area. The vowel phoneme ъ occurs only in the dialect of Gornokostursko (without the villages Bapchor and Zhelevo), and the vowel phonemes â (labial a) and ô (middle o) occur only in the dialect of Dolnokostursko, and in separate villages. Only in the dialect of the village Nestram is noticed a limited use of the vowel phoneme ъ (къ̀рф, пъ̀рф) and the presence of the vowel phoneme ô (мồка, пồт, зồмбут).

The vowel phonemes и, е, а, о in the regions of Popole, Koreshchata and Nestramsko in certain morphological positions create a phonetic impression of long vowels at the morpheme boundary, mainly for verbs in the past finite and past infinite tense first and second person plural as signals of these tenses. We cannot speak of long vowel phonemes in this case. These "long" vowels occur in front of an implied consonant x, and are loaded with a morphological function — temporal and generic — from which their positional limitation derives. In essence, they represent a combination of two uniform vowel phonemes — ѝй, èе, àа, òо, у̀у — and have no semantic function. There are no lexical units that differ semantically in the shortness-elongation correlation.

Therefore, long vowel phonemes do not occur in Kostur dialect, but in fact only doubled vowel phonemes that give the impression of being long.

Long vowels occur in all languages, but have a different phonemic (phonological) value. From a phonemic point of view, long vowels are of two types: doubled and real (true). A doubled long vowel is a combination of two identical short phonemes, while a true long vowel is a single phoneme. Doubled and real long vowels are distinguished by their place in the morpheme, by the morpheme boundary. If the morpheme boundary passes through the long vowel, it is a combination of two identical short phonemes. [3]

Short vowel phonemes

According to their articulatory and auditory properties, the vowel phonemes e, и, ъ, а, о, у are the same as the corresponding vowel phonemes in the literary Bulgarian language. The vowel phoneme ô does not differ from that in the Rhodope dialects. The labial vowel phoneme a(â) is auditory-articulatory close to the vowel phoneme ô. Such a phoneme was registered for the first time in Bulgarian dialects. [4] The vowel phonemes ô and â do not occur in the dialect of the same village, they are mutually exclusive .

The vowel phonemes и, e, a, o under stress are pronounced in the same way throughout the language area, but in unstressed position they have a different pronunciation. On this basis, the dialect was divided into two areas: an area with reduction and an area without reduction of vowels. The biggest territorial scope is the reduction of the vowels e and o. Their isogloss actually divides the Kostur dialect into two parts - eastern with reduction and western without reduction. In the eastern part, Popole and Kostenaria are included. The reduction of these vowels is not equally prevalent in the villages of this region.

Vowel phoneme a

The vowel phoneme a in Koreshchata, Nestramsko, and Kostenariata is positionally unrestricted. It is found in the first, second and third position, both stressed and unstressed: àва, àма, àба, мàйка, тàтко and тàтка (Yanovene), брàт, бàба, бàрам, сàкам, чу̀па, прèгач, шчèрка, чòрба, планѝна, рамнѝна, падѝна, татковнѝна 'father's part’, партѝзан, андàрин, нѝва, загàзвам, загàсвам, загѝнат, зàйдвам, плàтвам, закòпвам, закопàна, залѝсан, застàвам, армàсан, врàта, пàта, мèса, пèча, сèча, йàда, мàжа, спѝйа, бѝйа, ту̀ка, вàка, тàка, etc.

In Popole, the phoneme a is found mostly under and after an accent: пъдѝна, плънѝна, ърмàсвам, нъфàка 'progress', седнувàтйе, стрòшка 'clothes hanger', ръмнѝна, зъгàзвам, зъгѝнвам, зълѝсан, зàспан, стàнат, сèднат, etc. (the examples are from the village Chereshnitsa).

In the dialect of the village Chereshnitsa, the phoneme a has a positional variant ъ. It appears when the stress is shifted one syllable forward and alternates with a: стàнат — станàта and стънàта, тàтко — таткòви and тъткòви, фàтвам — фатвàйне and фътвàйне, дàвам — давàйне and дъвàйне, стрàм — страмòта and стръмòта.

Vowel phoneme o

The vowel phoneme o in Popole and Kostenariata is positionally restricted. It occurs mainly under stress and in idioms with a morpho-phonological function: òда, òдма, òше, òбрач, òвен, òвес, òган, чòрба, удгòре, уддòлу, фъртòма, пòл'йе, мòрйе, дòйда, бòса, кòса; чу̀жо, мъ̀жо, изèро, млèко, магàрто, вòло, дèтето and дèтто, чу̀пето, вуйвòда, вуйвòдо (vocative case), жèно, мàло, гулèмо, стàро, млàдо, пу̀сто, бугàрцко, ту̀рцко, etc.

In the western part of Kostursko (Koreshchata and Nestramsko without the village Nestram), which is not affected by vowel reduction, the phoneme o occurs in all three positions — at the beginning, middle and end of the word, in stressed and unstressed positions: ортòма, окòл’йа, окòлник, ок’òрвам, оздравѝвам, олѝмни, опàшвам, омйàсвам, опикàсвам, орлѝца, орнѝца, орàло, опòзде, отòрвам, отрàно, оттòгаш, вòйден, одàйа, мòзок, вòсок, вѝсок, нѝсок, òсом, голèмо, колèно, годѝна, кокòшка, роднѝна, пò-дòбра, пò-àрно, кнòко, висòко, калèшо, etc.

In the dialect of the village Chereshnitsa, the phoneme o has a positional variant y. It appears when the accent is shifted: смòк — смукòви, тòп — тупòви, грòп — грубòви, дòм — думòви, грòм — грумòви, вòл — вулòви, òртак — уртàци, òрман — урмàни, òстън — устèни, òда — удèеме, òрле — урленѝшча, etc.

Vowel phoneme e

The vowel phoneme e in the western part of Kostursko is positionally unrestricted. It occurs at the beginning, middle and end of the word in both stressed and unstressed positions: èсен, еврèин, èн, езèро, еди- нàйсе, елèче, есенѝца, èсти, èсме, ечемѝчен, èшче, лèто, мèсец, кòтел, невèста, недèл’а, сирèн’йе, чỳпе, дèте, кòрен, зèлен, лèтен, дèците, тèлците, офчàрите, чỳпите.

In the eastern part of the dialect area, the phoneme is positionally limited. In its basic forms, it is found only under and after stress in all three positions: èдна, нивèста, изèро, нидèл’а, вèрен, кулèно, млèко, сирèйне, грòзйе, тèле, вèле, кàфе, прàве, дàве, сèче, пèче, тèче, брѝче, etc.

When the stress is moved one syllable forward in the formation of derivative forms, the previously stressed phoneme e retains its previous voicing: дèдо — дедòви, снèк — снегòви, плèт — плетòви, млèчник — млечнѝци, лèп — лебòви, зèлен — зелèна, вèл’а — велèеме, мèл’а — мелèеме, лèс — лèсен — леснутѝйа, тèсен — теснутѝйа, etc.

Regarding the use of the vowel phoneme in the poststressed position, there is no unity in the dialect of Popole. It is found in the dialect of the village Zagoricheni and between two consonant phonemes in post-stress position: бòлен, тèсен, àрен, злàтен, стàрец, чòвек, игỳмен, etc. In the place of e in the dialect of the village Chereshnitsa, in this position there is ъ: бòл’ън, тèсън, àрън, злàтън, стàръц, чòвък, игỳмън, etc.

In some villages of Kostenariata (Zhuzheltse, Mangila, etc.) the vowel phoneme e has a positional variant deeper back e (e̥), which comes close to ъ. The variant e̥ is found before the consonant phoneme p mainly as a substitute for pъ-рь: кè̥рф, пè̥рф, вè̥рх, смè̥рт, гè̥рк, атè̥рва, дè̥ржа, è̥рва, свакè̥рва, те̥ркàло, кè̥рпус. As can be seen from the above examples, е̥ occurs in stressed position and rarely in prestressed position. In the dialect of the village Snichene, the same variant is present, only with a more limited use. It is noticed only after the consonant phonemes к', г', т, д: кè̥рф, свакè̥рва, кè̥рпус, гè̥рп, гè̥рк, тè̥рча, те̥ркàло and at the beginning of a syllable: è̥рва 'to tear'.

Vowel phoneme и

This vowel phoneme is positionally unrestricted. Occurs at the beginning, middle and end of the word in both stressed and unstressed positions: истѝна, истрѝйа, измѝйа, вѝкам, стрѝна, блѝка, мѝга, висòки, бèли, мèли, ножѝци, спѝци, крàци, etc.

The frequency of the vowel phoneme и is larger in the eastern part of Kostursko, where it stands also in the place of the etymological vowel e: нивèста, изèро, идинàйсе, сидèло 'nest', се крѝих (Manyak).

In the village Snichene, a variant close to ы is found, only in some cases mainly at the site of the OBg. ꙑ in the stressed and prestressed position: сꙑ̀то, сꙑ̀т, рꙑ̀ба, езꙑ̀к, рꙑ̀т.

Vowel phoneme у

The vowel phoneme у is positionally unrestricted. It occurs at the beginning, middle and end of the word, in stressed and unstressed position: ỳтре, ỳм, умирàчка, утрѝнвам 'to breakfast' (Kosinets), мнỳк, внỳк, дỳк’ан, дỳша, сỳша, браточèт, растỳрвам, ỳлук 'paralyzed' тèлку and тèку, мнòгу, бъ̀ргу, etc.

The frequency of the vowel phoneme у is greater in the eastern part of Kostursko, where it also occurs in the place of the etymological o: гудѝна, гурнѝца, кукòшка, купрѝна, дубрѝна, кулèно, дулѝна, купрѝва, вуйвòда, купàчка, вуденѝца, etc.

Vowel phoneme ъ

The vowel phoneme ъ is not found throughout the language area. It is characteristic of the language of Gornokostursko. In Dolnokostursko, it is found only in the dialect of some villages (Starichene, Breshchene, Psore, etc.), which are in close proximity to Gornokostursko. It is also found in the dialect of the village Nestram in very limited cases: къ̀рф, пъ̀рф, съ̀рп, атъ̀рва, èндър. Probably, this vowel phoneme in Nestram developed from е̥ which variant is found in some villages of Kostenaria before the consonant р.

The vowel phoneme ъ is unevenly spread in the two regions of Gornokostursko. Occurs in first and second position: ъ̀рш, ъ̀ршлан, ъндѝца, гъ̀лъп, пандарнѝца, мъ̀ка, мъ̀ска, дъ̀лбок, въ̀лна, пъ̀рф, къ̀рф, пъ̀рст, дъ̀п, бичамсъ̀с 'smashed, Turk.'. In Popole, it is also found in the place of etymological a in a prestressed position: ърнъỳтин, ъндàрин, плънѝна, гръдѝна, ръмнѝна, пъдѝна, мъгàре, пътàти, кърàйне, etc.

The use of the vowel phoneme ъ is most common in the dialect of Chereshnitsa, where it also occurs in the place of e between two consonants in a post-stressed position: гòл’ъм, зèл’ън, àрън, чòвък, шàрън, мъкедòнъц, плàтън, etc.

Vowel phoneme ô

The vowel phoneme ô is found in Dolnokostursko. During the articulation of the sounds through which the vowel phoneme ô is realized, the back of the tongue in its middle part is raised towards the palate. The lips are slightly rounded, the jaws are taut. The so-called Rhodope wide o is identical to the Kostur ô in terms of its articulatory properties. The difference between the phonemes o and ô consists in the fact that one of them (o) is from the back, and the other (ô) is from the middle row. The phoneme ô cannot be called a wide vowel phoneme or a wide o, because both vowel phonemes (o and ô) are wide along the passage between the palate and the tongue. Phoneme ô should be called middle vowel phoneme or middle o in Bulgarian dialectology.

Vowel phoneme ô is positionally restricted. It is found before and under stress at the beginning and middle of the word: ồрш, ồрт, ồршлан, стôрнѝшче, вôлчѝца, ồлшчи ’to polish’, тồрн, гồмба, мồка, пồт, рồка, кồшча, пồрф, сồлза, вồлк, вồлна (Kalevishcha). Therefore, the vowel phoneme ô appears primarily as reflex of OBg. ѫ and ъ, when ъ was in the groups ър-ръ, ъл-лъ.

Vowel phoneme â

The vowel phoneme â (labial a) is positionally restricted. In some villages of Dolnokostursko, it occurs only before and under stress at the beginning and middle of the word: ầрш, гầрк, мầка, нầтре, сầлза, кầрф, да-бầнда, гầмба, сầмба 'Saturday’, пầлна, кầлна, кâлнàт’е, вâлчѝца, стâрнѝшча, etc. (Yanoveni).

During the articulation of the sounds through which the vowel phoneme â is realized, the middle part of the tongue is raised up to the palate, and its tip approaches the alveoli. The lips are less rounded than in the sound ô.

When articulating the sound â, we adjust the speech apparatus for o and pronounce a, while for ô, we adjust the speech apparatus for a and pronounce o.

The vowel phonemes ô and â do not occur in the dialect of the same village.

Doubled vowel phonemes

The doubled vowel phonemes occur mostly at the morpheme boundaries of verbs in past tense first and second person plural in the place of the missing consonant x. They make a phonetic impression of long vowels. The doubled vowels are related to the stress, therefore in Gorna Koreshcha they are not found in an unstressed position. Similar vowels in the Dolna Prespa dialect. The accent system of Gorna Koreshcha is part of that of Dolna Prespa.

As a regular phenomenon, the following doubled vowel phonemes occur in front of the missing consonant x in the already mentioned positions:

ѝй: испѝйме, измѝйме, исцедѝйме, сварѝйме, сторѝйме, купѝйме; испѝйте, измѝйте, исцедѝйте, сварѝйте, сторѝйте, купѝйте, etc.

èĕ: пиèĕме, плачèĕме, гредèĕме, велèĕме, молèĕме, одèĕме; бèĕте, пиèĕте, плачèĕте, гредèĕте, велèĕте, молèĕте, одèĕте.

àă: викàăме, работàăме, грабàăме, клавàăме, давàăме, бувàăме, тепàăме ; викàăте, работàăте, грабàăте, клавàăте, давàăте, бувàăте, тепàăте, etc.

òŏ: видòŏме, кладòŏме, рекòŏме, дадòŏме, продадòŏме, йадòŏме; видòŏте, кладòŏте, рекòŏте, дадòŏте, продадòŏте, йадòŏте, etc.

ỳў: испл’ỳўме, издỳўме, надỳўме, шчỳўме; испл’ỳўте, издỳўте, надỳўте, шчỳўте, etc.

At the end of words, doubled vowels aă and eĕ occur only in the following words: влàă, сиромàă (Chereshnitsa), грàă, прàă, грèĕ (but влàси, сиромàси, грàо, греòви).

Conclusions

Gornokostursko					Nestram					Nestramsko					Kostenaria
и				у	и				у	и				у	и				у
		ъ					ъ				е		о			е		о
	е		о			е		о				â					ô
		а					ô					а					а
							а

The following conclusions can be drawn about the vocalism of the Kostur dialect:

The phonological system of Gornokostursko is six-membered, three-tiered, symmetrical.
The phonological system of the village Nestram is seven-membered, four-tiered, asymmetrical.
The phonological system of Nestramsko and Kostenaria is six-membered, four-tiered, asymmetrical. The phonemes â and ô in the dialect of one and the same village do not occur together.
The phonemes â and ô are mutually exclusive.

Consonant phonemes

The consonant system of Kostur dialect is characterized by a minimal number of soft consonant phonemes and combinations of a hard consonant phoneme with й, without changing its hard character. The soft consonant phoneme н' is not found in Kostur dialect.

The following 23 hard consonant phonemes are found in the dialect area: п, б, м, ф, в, т, д, н, с, з, л, л̥, р, р̥, к, г, х, ц, s, ш, ж, ч, џ and 4 soft ones: й, л', к', г'.

Hard consonant phonemes

According to their articulatory and auditory properties, the hard consonant phonemes are identical to the corresponding phonemes in the Bulgarian literary language, with the exception of ш, ж, ч, and џ which are on the border between soft and hard, and due to the tendency to harden, they are assigned to hard. Hard consonant phonemes form oppositions that determine their differential features.

The consonant phoneme п is positionally unrestricted. Occurs at the beginning, middle and end of the word: пèт, пèча, пèта, плèта, пак, прèнда, прàвдо 'cattle’, пèнда, спѝйа, копрѝна, стопàнин, тòпка, сòпка ’obstruction’, теèпам, кòпам, уплàша, снòп, тèп, cтàп, слàп, лèп, грòп, дъ̀мп, зъ̀мп, ръ̀мп, etc.

The consonant phoneme б is positionally restricted. It occurs only at the beginning and middle of the word: брàт, брѝча, бичкѝйа, бỳвам, бỳза, бỳчи, бàцвам, бек’àрин, бèрбер, разбèрвам, разбỳдвам, сòба 'stove', бàба, свàдба, гàбар, жàба, слàба, слабòда (Chiflik), бòрба, etc.

The consonant phoneme м is positionally unrestricted: мавàло, магàре, мàзник, макàло, мамалѝга, млàдос, млèчка, стòмна, пòмна, глàмна, дàмла, гỳмно, трèм, стрàм, грòм, лòм, стàвам, клàвам, съ̀рвам, etc.

The consonant phoneme ф is positionally unrestricted. It occurs in all three positions: фàл’а, фамѝл’а, фанèла, фàра 'relative', фàтвам, фèл’ка, фтòрник, фчèра, сòфра, òфтика, нòфти, сỳф, прàф, жѝф, здрàф, глỳф, крѝф, ỳлаф etc.

The consonant phoneme в in the dialect is positionally restricted. It occurs only at the beginning and middle of the word: вàр, вàра, вòйден, ведрѝна, вèзден, велèнце, вèнец, вèрвам, войвòда, воловàр, збòрвам, бỳвам, прàва, стàвам, дъ̀рва, пъ̀рва, etc.

The consonant phoneme т is positionally unrestricted: тàка, татàрин, тàте, тезгèра, тежèва, тèсто, мèсто, бòстан, кòстен, сèстра, невèста, лàстар, пèток, вèток, млàт, брàт, свàт, грàт, глàт, жèнат, etc.

The consonant phoneme д is positionally restricted. It occurs only at the beginning and in the middle of the word: дàвам, дàскал, двàйсе, дèбел, дèдо, денѝца 'morning star', добрѝна, свàдба, чèндо, пèнда, прèнда, градòви, млàдос, сèда, седèло, студòви, etc.

The consonant phoneme н is not positionally unlimited: нàдеш, нàпре, нарòден, нашàрен, невòл’а, сèнка, дрèнка, добрѝна, зелèна, пèна, мàна, лàни, лèн, клѝн, дрèн, сòн, дèн, зèлен, вèрен, etc.

The consonant phoneme с is positionally unrestricted: сàда, сàло, самовѝла, свекъ̀рва, светѝца 'icon', сèме, стърнѝшча, мъ̀ска, фỳстан, истѝна, пèс, брèс, стàрос, млàдос, мрàс, прàс, квàс, etc.

The consonant phoneme з is positionally restricted. It is found only in the first and second position: злàна (Chereshnitsa) 'palm of the hand', злàто, збòрвам, знàм, змѝйа, звòнче (Kosinets), здрàвйе, прàзник, мàзник, глèзен, орѝзник, близнàче, брàзда, лòйзе and лòзйе, въ̀рзвам, бъ̀рзам, чèзма, измèта, измѝйа, etc.

The consonant phoneme л has a positional variant close to Middle European l. The main variant of the phoneme л is found before ъ and before consonant phonemes in the middle word and rarely in initial and final position: лъ̀жа, ъ̀лска, въ̀лк, въ̀лна, дъ̀лк, мъ̀лча, бакàлка, болнотѝйа, бàлтак, съ̀лце (Kosinets), дйавòлцки, булгàрцки, акъ̀л. The positional variant occurs at the beginning, in the middle of the word before the vowel phonemes a, o, у and at the end of the word after them: làйа, lòй, lỳк, lỳда, бèlа, сèlо, мàlу, вòl, бѝвоl, пỳl, etc.

The consonant phoneme л̥ (syllabic л) occurs only in the dialect of some villages (Bapchor, Zhelevo), which are located on the periphery of the Kostur dialect and have features characteristic of the western part of Lerinsko. The consonant phoneme л̥ is lexically and positionally restricted. It occurs at the place of the OBg. combinations лъ-ль between consonants, under and rarely before an accent, in the middle of the word and in singular cases at the beginning: л̥̀ска, вл̥̀на, дл̥̀к, сл̥̀за, мл̥̀за, вл̥̀к, вл̥чѝца (Bapchor), вл̥̀чица (Zhelevo), кл̥̀к, мл̥̀ча, тл̥̀ча, пл̥̀на, кл̥̀на, etc.

When articulating the sounds through which the consonant phoneme л̥ is realized, the tongue moves up and its tip tightly touches the alveoli. Unlike the non-syllabic л, with л̥ the front and middle parts of the tongue are raised and the passages through which the exhaled air stream passes are narrower than in the articulation of the non-syllabic л. Such a consonant phoneme can easily enter into a syllabic combination with a consonant phoneme without a vowel.

The consonant phoneme р is positionally unlimited: рабòта, рàдос, рàет, рèма, ръ̀ка, пъ̀рт, ъ̀рт, бèра, мèра, бàрам, дрỳгар, стàр, манàстир, волòвар, въ̀р, къ̀р, etc.

The consonant phoneme p̥ (syllabic p) occurs in villages, where л̥ also occurs. It is lexically limited. Occurs at the location of OBg. combinations ръ-рь. The consonant p̥ occurs more often in the middle of the word and in limited cases at the beginning and end: р̥̀т, вр̥̀, кр̥̀ф, пр̥̀ф, пр̥̀ст, пр̥̀т, пр̥̀да, цр̥̀н, цр̥̀вец, вр̥̀ца 'string’, цр̥̀ква, цр̥̀па, стр̥̀нишче, (Zhelevo), стр̥нѝшче (Bapchor), цр̥̀квичка (Zhelevo), цр̥квѝчка (Bapchor), etc. Therefore, in the dialect of the former village Bapchor, the phoneme p̥ is also found in an unstressed position, as well as л̥.

The difference between the consonant phonemes р and р̥ is as follows: when articulating the sounds through which the syllabic consonant phoneme р is realized, the tongue densely and voluminously touches the alveoli, the frequency of vibration of the tip of the tongue is greater than in the non-syllabic p. The exhalation jet is stronger, the partition formed when the tongue comes into contact with the alveoli is denser, the burst is much stronger and allows a quick transition to the next consonant sound, which makes unnecessary the mediation of the vowel ъ.

The consonant phoneme к is positionally unrestricted: кàжвам, кàмен, кàпка, пàтица, клòмко, кокòшка, кòмка, копàчка, кòска, мотѝка, мрàк, бèлек, брàк, брèк, въ̀лк, врàк, etc.

The consonant phoneme г is positionally restricted; occurs only in the first and second position: гàбар, гàза, гàйда, глàва, глèдам, гнѝйа, говòра, говèндо, градѝна, фъ̀ргам, прèгач, брегòви, дàлга 'wool’, дъ̀лга, etc.

The consonant phoneme x is found only in Kostenaria in the dialect of the villages Starichene, Zhuzheltse, Mangila, Bela Tsrkva, Nestime, Snichene, etc. So far, this phoneme has not been noted as inherent to the Kostur dialect area. In the settlements mentioned above, it occurs only in the middle and at the end of the word: мỳха, àхур 'stables’, ỳхо, бỳхум ’to strike’, вйàхум 'to load', тахтабѝда 'woodblock' Turk., глỳх, сỳх, мèх, стрàх, прàх, влàх, вѝдух, бèх, рабòтих, вѐ̥рх, нѝх, плàтих, жѝвих, бèрих (the examples are from the villages Mangila and Zhuzheltse).

The consonant phoneme ц is positionally unrestricted: цàпе, цèл, цèда, цèпа, цỳт, дèци, въ̀рца, бòрец, вèнец, македòнец, кòнец, etc.

The consonant phoneme s is positionally and lexically restricted. It occurs at the beginning and middle of the word: sвèзда, sèпка 'loop' (Chiflik), sѝмбел’, sипирàф, sулỳфи 'lovelocks' Turk., sънгàло, sвѝска, sвèр, sвòнец, нòsи, полòsи, съ̀лsи, etc.

Phoneme s is not inherent to all dialect. It is not found in the dialect of the villages Kosinets and Dъmbeni (Dolna Koreshcha).

The consonant phoneme ш is positionally unrestricted: шàвор, шàйка, шàрен, швъркàло, шлàпам, шл’ỳпка, штрèкам, шчèвйе, шчèрка, шàшка, шашармà, лèшча, свèшча, трòша, лòша, дỳша, сỳша, крỳша, дòш, нòш, кòш, бòш, кàдеш, etc.

The consonant phoneme ж is positionally restricted. It is found at the beginning and in the middle of the word: жàба, жàл’вам, жвàкам, ждрèбе, ждрèпам, жеговѝна, жèжа, жỳжи 'to buzz', лèжа, мèжа, вèжа, дъ̀ржа, мòжа, рỳжам, etc.

The consonant phoneme ч is positionally unrestricted. It is found in all three positions: чàкан, чембрѝца, чапàра, чкòр, мèчка, малèчка, млèчка, жъ̀лчка, пъ̀рчка, лажѝчка, ръ̀чка, се-влèчкам, мàчор, пъ̀рч, орàч, сàч, бàч, кòпач, сèйач, etc.

The consonant phoneme џ is positionally and lexically limited. It occurs at the beginning and in the middle of the word with a limited number of lexemes: џàба, џàм, џàфкам, џòм, џенебèт 'impure' Turk., џѝтка, џỳркам, џунџуглèт, џунџỳле, нòџе, мèжџа, вèжџа (Chernichevo), пенџèра, пèнџур, бòрџа etc.

Soft consonant phonemes

In terms of perception and articulation, the soft consonant phonemes in the Kostur dialect do not differ significantly in softness from the corresponding soft consonant phonemes in the Western Bulgarian languages. In the Kostur dialect, their minimum number is four: й, к', г', л', in the Western dialects — five: й, к', г', л', н'. The final soft phoneme does not occur in Kostur dialect.

The consonants л, к and г are softened automatically when they are followed by a front vowel. That's why л’ and hard л exist as separate phonemes only when л occurs before back vowels: лỳт ‘mad’ – л’ут ‘hot taste’, ко̀ла ‘car’, ко̀л’а ‘to slaughter’.

A soft consonant phoneme, like any phoneme, is phonetically indivisible.

The consonant system of Kostur dialect is characterized by the pronunciation of sound й after a hard consonant sound, with the exception of к, г, л, without changing their hard character. The different articulation of a hard consonant sound and й sounds clearly when this combination is found between vowel sounds: трàпйа (трàп+йа), шѝпйа (шѝп+йа), дъ̀мбйа (дъ̀мб+йа), здрàвйе (здрàв+йе), лòзйе (лòз+йе), брàтйа (брàт+йа), лàмйа (лàм+йа), рòфйа (рòф+йа), etc.

The combination of the hard consonant phoneme + й is positionally limited. At the beginning of the word it occurs extremely rarely, and at the end of the word it does not occur at all. In the middle of the word, it occurs mostly as part of the suffix to form plural forms for some nouns (-йа): брàт — брàтйа, шѝп — шѝпйа, вòда — вòдйа, ливàда — ливàдйа, бòс — бòзйа, etc.

In the consonant system of the Kostur dialect, in addition to й, actual soft consonant phonemes are к', г', л'. They cannot be decomposed into к + й, г + й, л + й.

Consonant phoneme й

The consonant phoneme й has no hard counterpart. It is positionally unlimited: йàска, йàбана, йàвор, йàгне, йàда, йàк, йàлоф, йàре, йàрем, йарембѝца, йарѝца, йỳнак, йỳнец, йòба, йàсли, йàйце, йадèйне (Popole), войвòда, кòйн, лòйзе, грòйзе (Dranichevo), вòйден, пèйа, тàйа, снàйа, се-смèйа, лèйа, вèйа, стòйа, работàнйе, спàнйе, здрàвйе, кланàтйе, жнàтйе, мòй, твòй, сòй, бòй, стòй, вѝкай, etc.

The consonant phoneme й occurs in the following combinations with a consonant before a vowel phoneme (hard consonant + й + vowel) in the middle of the word and in certain cases at the beginning of the word:

пй: снòпйа (< снòп), трàпйа (< трàп), стрỳпйа (< стрỳп), шѝпйа (< шѝп). In these examples, the soft consonant phoneme й performs a phono-morphological function. It is part of the plural suffix of these forms. Without such a function й is found in the word шкрàпйа 'scorpion' (Chereshnitsa). The combination пй does not occur in an initial syllable.
бй: дъ̀мбйа, сàбйа. The combination бй: occurs only in the middle of the word.
мй: лàмйа, кукумйàфка. This combination at the beginning of the word occurs only in the interjection мйàу.
фй: рòфйа, рофйàна, туфйàк. A combination фй at the beginning of the word occurs in the dialect of the village Kosinets: фйàн 'price' (Turkish).
вй: нѝвйа (< нѝва), трèвйа (трèва), мрàвйа (< мрàва, Chernichevo). At the beginning of the word in only in two examples is noticed the combination вй: вйàвам 'to climb', се-вйàсам 'to rush'.
тй: брàтйа, пъ̀ртйа (< пъ̀рт), цвèтйе, свàтйа, кълнàтйе, късновàтйе, осонвàтйе, стемновàтйе, etc. In Gorna Koreshcha, with some words, the combination тй is replaced by the phoneme к': цвèк’а, брàк’а, свàк’а. The consonant phoneme к' alternates with тй, because in many cases it has developed from тй or from т', where such a phoneme occurs or has occurred.
дй: дйàвол, дйàк, дйà 'where' (Rulya), бадйàва, ливàдйа (< ливàда), вòдйа (< вòда), попàдйа, л’ỳдйа (Tiolishche), etc. Occurs at the beginning and middle of the word. In some villages of Popole, г' is found instead of дй: ливàг’а, пупàг’а, л’ỳг’а.
нй: бàнйа, работàнйе, спàнйе, одèнйе, орàнйе. It does not occur at the beginning of a word.
сй: клàсйа (< клàс), лѝсйа (< лѝс), плàсйа (< плàс). The combination сй is noticed at the beginning of the word only in one single case in the dialect of the village Kosinets: сйà 'now'.
зй: лòзйе, грòзйе, бъ̀лзйа (> бъ̀лс ’tuft’), брèзйа (< брòс), бòзйа (< бòс). It does not occur at the beginning of a word.
рй: мòрйе, Бугàрйа, Унгàрйа, пèрйа (< пèро), кушàрйа (< кушàра, Chernichevo). In initial position рй does not occur.
цй: Тỳрцйа, Гъ̀рцйа, Фрàнцйа.
шй: нòшйа 'in the night’, къ̀шйа 'houses’ (Kosinets).

With soft consonant phonemes, й is found only after л': пòл’йе, скòл’йе, кòл’йа (< кòл).

Consonant phoneme к'

The consonant phoneme к' is positionally limited. It occurs at the beginning and middle of the word. Only rarely к' occurs at the end of the word: горòцвек' (Sheshteovo). Its frequency before the vowel phonemes a, o, у is minimal: к’ор, к’ỳмур, к’ỳрк, к’ỳта, к’ỳп, измик’àрин, кỳк’а, брàк’а, свàк’а, цвèк’а. The last four examples are found only in some villages of Gornokostursko. The soft phoneme к' is mostly found in foreign words.

The consonant phoneme к' is widely represented before the pre-lingual vowel phonemes e, и. This phenomenon is consistent, so the softness is not marked with a diacritical mark. The same is true for г' and л' in front of middle-tongue vowel phonemes. Examples: кèрка, ке, кѝфам, кѝна, кѝсна, мèки, вѝке, цѝке, мъ̀ки, висòки, нѝски (к’èрка, к’е, к’ѝфам, к'ѝна, к’ѝсна, мèк’и, etc.).

Consonant phoneme г'

The consonant phoneme г' has limited use. It occurs at the beginning and middle of the word in a small number of words, mostly in foreign words: г’ỳм, г’òзмо, г’òн, г’òл, г’ỳрдѝйа, г’òмти 'as if’, жг’àле 'enemy son’, л'ỳг’а, ливàг’а. The last two words are found in some villages of Popole (Zagoricheni, Chereshnitsa).

The consonant phoneme г' is found before the frontal e, и: гèрдан, гèм, гемѝйа, гèч, гèрегеф, гѝбам, дъ̀лги, мѝге, стѝге (г’èрдан, г’èм, г’емѝйа, г’èч, г’èрг’еф, г’ѝбам, etc.).

Consonant phoneme л'

The consonant phoneme л' is often used. It is positionally unlimited: л’ỳт, л’ỳба, л’ỳдйа, л’ỳпа, л’ỳспа, л’òма 'chaviar’, л’ỳл’ам, вèл’а, мèл’а, кòл’а, кѝл’а 'to roll’, недèл’а, Бѝтол’а, крàдл’а, крàдл’о, жàл’вам, закòл’вам, запàл’вам, разбòл’вам, повèл’вам, гòл’а, постèл’вам, бѝл’ка, фèл’ка, зèл’ка, кошỳл’а, купѝл’ка, къшчỳл’ка, торбỳл’ка, невестỳл'ка, тиквỳл’ка, пàл’ка, питỳл’ка, прашàл’ка, мòл’ба, дỳл’бен, дèл’ба, бèл’, бѝл’бѝл’, тèл’, дѝкел’, тèмел’, кàтил’, мàксул’, àприл’, трѝфил’, трендàфил’, фѝтил’, мèтил’, жàл’, сòл’, etc.

Before the frontal vowel phonemes e, и only the soft phoneme л' is pronounced: лèжа, лèто, лèсно, лèп, гòлем, бòлен, сòлен, смèлен, весèлен, зèлен, вèли, бòли, бèли, вèле, бòле, мòле (л’èжа, л’èто, л’èсно, л’èп, гòл’ем, etc.). In the dialect of the village Chereshnitsa e in a post-stressed position in the middle of the word after л' (ле) is reduced to ъ, and the softness is preserved: гòл’ъм, бòл’ън, зèл’ън, дòл’ън, сòл’ън, смèл’ън, гàл’ън, ръзвисèл’ън, etc.

Alternation of hard and soft consonant phonemes

Hard consonant phonemes correspond to their soft counterparts when e is dropped after л' (ле) before a consonant phoneme and when the vowel phonemes o, a and e, и after л, к, г are alternated: бòл’ен — бòлна, бèл — бèл’и, гòл — гòл’и, бѝвол — бивòл’и, мèка — мèк’и, висòка — висòк'и, бỳка — бỳк’и, тиквỳл’ка — тиквỳл’к’и, дъ̀лга — дъ̀лг’и, мѝгам — мѝг’е (plural third person), стѝгам — стѝг’е, etc. At another position, the hardness-softness correlation does not occur.

Alternation of voiceless and voiced consonant phonemes

Such alternations occur between voiced and voiceless consonant forms: с : з, к : г, п : б, т : д, ш : ж, ф : в.

с : з: прàс — прàзо, бъ̀рс — бъ̀рза, мрàс — мразòви, брèс — брèзо etc.

к : г: прàк — прàго, врàк — врàго, плỳк — плỳго, бòк — бòго, пòлок — пòлого, дрỳк — дрỳго, брèк — брèго etc.

п : б: рòп — рòбо, грòп — грòбо, лèп — лèбо, зъ̀мп — зъ̀мбо, дъ̀мп — дъ̀мбо, ръ̀мп — ръ̀мбо, бòп — бòбо (Kumanichevo), зòп — зòбо etc.

т : д: рòт — рòдо, рѝт — рѝдо, рèнт — рèндо, пръ̀нт 'nervous’ (Chereshnitsa) — пръ̀нда, съ̀нт — съ̀ндо, кръ̀нк — кръ̀нго etc.

ш : ж: нòш — нòжо, дòш — дожòви, мъ̀ш — мъ̀жо, èш — èжо etc.

ф : в: нòф — нòва, пъ̀рф — пъ̀рва, къ̀рф — кървѝшча, здрàф — здрàва, прàф — прàва, крѝф — крѝва, глỳф — глỳва, etc.

Conclusions

The system of consonant phonemes in Kostur dialect can be presented with the following table:

—

к'

г'

л'

—

The phonemes л̥ and р̥ (syllabic) are not included in this table, because they stand on the border between vowels and consonants and come closer to vowels than to consonant phonemes.

Phonetic changes

Reflexes

Reflexes of OBg. ъ

The question of elucidation of ъ is related to the problem of the initial voicing of this vowel. Some researchers are of the opinion that the vowel ъ in the earliest Old Bulgarian period sounded like a labial back vowel. [5] This statement can be accepted as reliable, since the labial vowel a (â) is found today in the dialect of some villages in Nestramsko. Such a labial vowel could give a variety of reflexes.

The first stage is the clarification of the vowel ъ in о. This clarification is old, that's why it is universal in the dialect of Gorno- and Dolnokostursko. At the place of the OBg. vowel ъ one founds о:

In the middle of the word with closed syllables: со̀н ‘dream’, до̀ш ‘rain’, во̀шка ‘louse’, во̀пна ‘overfill’.
With the morpheme -ъкъ: мòзок, во̀сок ‘wax’, нѝсок, пèток, вèток, слàдок, четвъ̀рток ‘Thursday’, etc.
With the prepositions въ and съ: вo, со.
In the masculine article form: -о (-от): чòвеко (Gornokostursko), чòвекот (Dolnokostursko).

In the dialect of Kostenaria, with the morpheme -ъкъ, the reflex is a: мòзак, пèтак. In the same area, the reflex a is found in conjunction с : сa. With the same conjunction, in the villages Tiolishcha and Kondorbi, ъ is pronounced simultaneously with о. With the prefix въз- (въс-) in Gornokostursko there is а reflex ъ: въздỳк, въстàйне, въспитàйне (Popole). This phenomenon is the result of literary influence.

The second stage of the clarification of the OBg. ъ occurs when the er vowel is found in the old combinations ръ (рь), лъ (ль). This clarification is relatively later and its results are not uniform (see the corresponding reflexes).

An excheption whereby ъ has the same reflex as ѫ is found in мъ̀ска/мầска/мồска ‘mule’.

Reflexes of OBg. ь

The clarification of the OBg. vowel ь in strong position is straightforward. Its reflex is e: дèн ‘day’, дèнес 'today', тèмен ‘dark’, темнѝца, òстен, тèс, стàрец ‘old man’, кòнец ‘thread’. Exceptions: мъ̀нгла/мầнгла/мồнгла ‘mist’, мъ̀ска/мầска/мồска ‘mule’.

Reflexes of OBg. ѣ (Yat)

Yakane (pronunciation of ѣ as ya) was also characteristic of the Kostur dialect in the 16th century. In the Bulgarian-Greek dictionary from the village Bogatsko we find the following examples shows that in the contemporary dialect the Yat pronounciation was ’а: жел'àзо, βιαδρο [в’àдро] ‘bucket’, кол’àно, в’àтер, хл’àп, μλιακο [мл’àко] ‘milk’, etc., but it was disappearing: νεδελα [н’èдела] ‘Sunday’, ςρεντα [срèда] ‘Wednesday’. Today, instead of 'a, we find e: желèзо, вèдро, колèно, вèтер, лèп, млèко, etc. Other examples: бèл ‘white’, вèра ‘faith’, бèгам ‘to run’, голèмо ‘big’, бè ‘was’, езòвец, пòec, жер, чèша.

The elucidation of ѣ in e is an internal phenomenon, not a foreign one. This clarification has passed through ’a. We find a remnant of this process in the word сакавѝца 'axe', which is noticed in the dialect of the villages Dъmbeni and Chuka (in all probability it is also found elsewhere). A remnant of the pronunciation of ѣ as йа is present in the settlement name Dryanovo according to the pronunciation of its Hellenized population and Dranychevo.

The reflex of ѣ define the Kostur dialect as a Western Bulgarian dialect.

Reflexes of the OBg. ѫ and ѧ

Nasal vowels from the vocal system of the Old Bulgarian language, in addition to the dialect of the Solun villages Visoka, Suho and Zarovo, have also left decomposed traces in the Kostur dialect.

The reflexes of the OBg. nasal vowels are of two types — with and without decomposed nasality. Decomposed nasalism is mainly found before the barrier phonemes б (п), д (т), г (к) at the beginning and middle of the word. It is a combination of a vowel (ъ, â, ô, o, е) and a consonant (м, н).

The vowel ѫ in the root of the word before consonants, with the exception of б, д, г, has changed to a vowel without decomposеd nasality.

Reflections of ѫ

Its reflexes are:

The vowel ъ in Gornokostursko: пъ̀т, мъ̀ка, нъ̀тре, къпа, къпѝна, мъ̀та, мъ̀ча, ръ̀ка, наръквѝца, скъ̀п, съ̀шч, къ̀шча, гъ̀с, тъ̀тни, мъ̀ш, etc.
The vowel a (labial a) in Nestramsko (Yanovene) пầт, мầка, нầтре, кầшча, рầка, мầш, etc.
Vowel ồ (middle o) in Nestramsko and Kostenariata (for the distribution of vowels â and ô see the map beside): пồт, мồка, нồтре, рồка, мồска, кồшча, мồш, кồпа, etc.
The vowel a in the villages of Bapchor and Zhelevo: пàт, мàка, рàка, нàтре, мàска, скàп, кàпина (Zhelevo), капѝна (Bapchor), etc.

As an exception, in some words the reflex is y: пỳча, кỳк’а and кỳйк’а, гнỳсен. In the latter case, we have the result of the old alternation ѫ — ѹ.

In the end of word for verbs, we find two reflexes of the big nasal — the vowels a and e.

Vowel a: бèра, пèра, прàва, чѝна, пѝша, прèнда, плèта, вѝйа, вèл’а, сòл’а, дèл’а; бèйа, правèйа, чинèйа, работàйа, гредèйа, седèйа, съ молèйа (Popole). The vowel ѫ has become а with the suffix -нѫ: вѝкна, пàдна, блѝкна, клèкна, сèкна, врèкна, etc.
The vowel е in the present tense third person plural is the result of alignment with the reflexes of ѧ: прàве, рабòте, чѝне, пѝше, пèре, вèле, мèле, стàве, etc.

In Koreshchata and Dolnokostursko with finite and non-finite past tense verbs third person plural in the place of ѫ stands e: работàе, бèе, велèе, правèе, пишèе, гредèе, пратвàе, прендèе, плачèе, ставàе, etc.

The decomposed nasal remnants of ѫ occur at the beginning and middle of the word regularly before the consonants б, д, г due to articulation reasons. Before the consonant б occurs м (мб), and before the consonants д, г occurs н (нд, нг). According to the vowel that comes before the consonant м or н, the decomposed nasal combinations are divided into three groups (see map above):

ъмб, ънд, ънг (ъмп, ънт, ънк) in Dòlna Korèshcha, Gòrna Korèshcha, Popòle and the northernmost Nestram villages – Zhelin (Χιλιόδενδρο), Chetirok (Μεσοποταμία) and others: гъ̀мба, дъ̀мбо, пъ̀нда, кръ̀нго, пъ̀т ‘road’, ръ̀ка ‘hand’, мъ̀ки ‘troubles’, мъ̀ш ‘man’, къ̀шча ‘house’, съ̀што ‘also’ etc.
âмб, âнд, âнг (âмп, âнт, âнк) in the southern Nestram and Gramos villages – Dranìchevo (Κρανοχώρι), Dobròlishcha (Καλοχώρι), Gàlishcha (Ομορφοκκλησιά), Lùdovo (Κρύα Νερά), Yanovene (Γιαννοχώρι), Slìmnitsa (Τρίλοφος) and others: гầмба, дầмбот, пầнда, крầнгот, пầт ‘road’, рầка ‘hand’, мầш ‘man’, кầшча ‘house’, зầмби ‘teeth’, мầнди, сầнда, гầмби, etc.
ôмб, ôнд, ôнг (ôмп, ôнт, ôнк) in Nestram (Νεστόριο), the Kostenarìa and in the dialect of the resettled in Asia Minor and Turkey people from the former Pomak village Zhèrveni (Άγιος Αντώνιος) (see Labro Koroloff paper on the dialect of Zhèrveni): гồмба, дồмбот, дồмбут (Nestram), пồнда, крồнгот, пồт ‘road’, рồка ‘hand’, мồки ‘troubles’, кồшча ‘house’, зồмби ‘teeth’, мồнди ‘testes’, сồнда ‘sue’, гồмби ‘mushrooms’.

In the combinations мб and нд, there is a complete coincidence in terms of place of articulation and septal features . With the combination нг from decomposed nasalism, septal passability and sonority are present. In the dialect, the voiced consonants б, д, г alternate in the same word with their corresponding voiceless п, т, к: дъ̀мп — дъ̀мбо, зъ̀мп — зъ̀мбо, кръ̀нк — кръ̀нго. In the absence of sonority, the consonant м is not found in the dialect of many villages in Koreshchata: зъ̀п — зъ̀мбо, дъ̀п — дъ̀мбо (see the above map).

The following examples with decomposed nasalism at the beginning and middle of the word are found in the dialect: гъ̀лъмп — гъ̀лъмбо and гâлầмба (Dolnokostursko), съмбòта, сầмба (Dolnokostursko), глъ̀мбок (лъ̀мбок, длъ̀мбок), глъмбочѝна, гъ̀мба, гъ̀мбар, гъ̀мбаф, дъ̀мп — дъ̀мбо, дъ̀мбоф, жèлонт — жèлондо, бъ̀нда, зъ̀мп — зъ̀мбо, се-зъ̀мба, зъ̀мбл’а, назъмбѝца 'horse disease’, кръ̀нк — кръ̀нго, лъ̀нк — лъ̀нго, мъ̀нди, пъ̀нда, пъ̀ндар, пъндарнѝца, тръ̀мба, ръ̀мп — ръ̀мбо, ръ̀мба, съ̀нт — съ̀ндо, съ̀нда, съндилѝшче, гръ̀нди, съ̀нт — съндòви, отъ̀нде and одъ̀нде, млòмко 'ball of yarn’, бъ̀мблак (Kondorbi), 'bud’, гънглѝф (Chereshnitsa), etc.

In the villages Kumanichevo and Gorentsi, a decomposed nasalism has been preserved before the etymological consonants т, п and ч, resulting from the palatalization of т, in the following examples: мъ̀нтаф (мънтàва вòда), въ̀нтар 'barrel bottom’, пъ̀нтец, стъмпàл’ки, поръ̀нчвам.. The lexeme въ̀нтар is also found in the village Chereshnitsa. M. Maletsky [4] notes that in Gorentsi there is a verb блъ̀нда 'to worry, to make angry', but it is known only to the aged people. The same verb is present today in the dialect of the village Kumanichevo: Нè-съ блъ̀нди тàка, àко ỳмбриш, кòй ке-ти-и-пỳли твòите дèца.

A remnant of decomposed nasalism is also found in the name of the village Въ̀мбел.

From the above-mentioned examples, it is clear that in front of the consonants м, н from decomposing nasality, in addition to the vowels ъ, â, ô, in rare cases there is also o: клòмко, пòнтец, жèлонт.

Far fewer examples with decomposed nasality are observed in the peripheral Popòle villages – Zagoricheni (Βασιλειάδα), Chereshnitsa (Πολυκέρασο), Blàtsa (Οξυά), Visheni (Βυσσινιά), Mòkreni (Βαρικό) and Zhelevo (Ανταρτικό) in Gorna Koreshcha. Exceptions from this rule are: по̀пок ‘navel’, во̀глен ‘ember’ in Drenòveni (Κρανιώνας), Gàbresh (Γάβρος) and Chъ̀rnovishcha (Μαυρόκαμπος), together with о̀глен elsewhere, пỳпче ‘bagel’, орỳжйе ‘weapon’ and the verb form рỳжам ‘prepare (oneself)’ – in other places, сỳда ‘sue’ in Gorna Koreshcha and some peripheral villages in Popòle.

As for the reflexes of ѧ, the dialect is not uniform either. There are reflexes with and without decomposed nasalism. The latter forms are more regularly found: шèпа ‘handful’, зèт ‘son-in-law’, èзик ‘tongue’, клèтва ‘vow’, èчмен ‘barley’.

Reflections of ѧ

Remnants of decomposed nasalism occurs at the beginning and middle of the word before the consonants д (т), б: èндар, говèндо, говèндар, грèнда, глèндам, оглендàло, рèнт — рèндо, рèнда, чèндо, братучèт — братучèнди, братучèнда, пèндесе, девèндесе, Кòленда, пèнда, прèнда, прендèно, ерембѝца, лендѝна, чембрѝца ‘mint’, etc.

In the dialect of the villages Gorentsi and Kumanichevo, remnants of decayed nasalism are also found before the etymological consonants з, т: èнзик, свèнтец.

In the dialect of many villages (Kosinets) the forms пàенк and чембрѝца are found. Here there is a secondary clarification of ѫ (паѫкъ, чѫбръ).

In the dialect, there are also examples with the mixing of the two nasals: андѝца and eндѝца, ентъ̀рва and антъ̀рва (Kumanichevo), прèнт — прèнда 'nervous' and пръ̀нт — пръ̀нда (the first form is found in Zagoricheni, and the second in Chereshnitsa), èглен ( Bapchor).

Regular mixing of nasals before the consonants ч and ш does not occur in the dialect.

With the remains of decomposed nasalism, Kostur dialect is connected with the dialect of the already mentioned Solun villages Suho, Visoka and Zarovo, with the Polish language, where the nasals are still preserved, and with the Old Bulgarian loanwords in the Hungarian language (cf. galamb 'dove', gomba 'mushroom', szombat 'Saturday', gerenda 'beam', with corresponding Kostur forms).

In the past, remnants of decomposed nasalism were equally characteristic of all Kostur dialect. Today, this phenomenon is weakly represented in the northeastern part of Popole (see above maps). In the dialect of the village of Chereshnitsa, only the following examples with decomposed nasalism are found: пъ̀нда (пъ̀ндар, пъндърнѝца), мъ̀нди, пръ̀нт, èндър (нъèндра), чимбрѝца, кръ̀нк, дръ̀нк, клòмко, мъ̀ндро, Лъ̀нго (local toponym), гънглѝф, пèндесе, девèндесе and индѝца 'kind of needle’, трỳмбук, стръ̀нга (стб. стрѫкъ), въ̀нтър.

Reflexes of шт, жд

At the place of OBg. combinations шт, жд, developed from ть, дь, today in the Kostur dialect we mostly meet шч and ж: свèшча ‘candle’, лèшча ‘lentils’, къ̀шча ‘house’, врèшче ‘bag’, шчèрка ‘daughter’, гàшчи ‘underpants’, чужо ‘foreign’, вèжа ‘brow’, мèжа ‘abutment’. In some villages around the dialect area (Chereshnitsa, Bъlgarska Blatsa, etc.) at the place of the OBg. combination жд stands жџ: вежџа, межџа (in Zagoricheni, вèжа and вèжџа are used at the same time). In the dialect of the village Mokreni, йџ appears as а reflex of жд. In the village Prekopana, located on the northern periphery of the dialect, there are also the combinations шт, жд, characteristic of part of the neighboring Lerin dialect: свèшта, мèжда.

As an irregular phenomenon in some villages of Gornokostursko, Popole, the eastern part of Dòlna Korèshcha – Brèznitsa (Βατοχώρι), Gàbresh, Drenòveni, Chъrnòvishcha and others, instead of шт, жд, к', г' is found in a limited number of words: кỳк’а, кèрка, ке 'future tense particle’, гàки 'panties' (Chereshnitsa); миг’ỳ (Chereshnitsa), (for the distribution of шч and к' in the word шчèрка — кèрка, see below map). In the peripheral villages of Popòle (Chèreshnitsa, Zagorìcheni , Vìsheni etc.) they use кỳк’а ‘house’, along with къ̀шча.

Therefore, almost all reflexes of these combinations, which are found throughout the Bulgarian language area, are also found in the Kostur dialect. It is this that makes us think about phenomena that are traditionally considered Serbian influence in the Western Bulgarian languages due to their similarity with those in the Serbian language, mainly in the upper and middle reaches of the Vardar River.

The groups шт, жд were soft in the Old Bulgarian language. [6]

That is why they could be replaced by other soft consonants. Today's reflexes of these combinations in the Eastern Bulgarian dialects are the result of their early consolidation. In Western dialects, this hardening takes place later and leads to strong palatalization in the majority of Western dialects and partly in Eastern dialects, where т' and д' pass in к' and г': пàк', зèк’, цвèке, брàк’а, г’àвол, г’àкон and others. The same phenomenon is also found in some Eastern dialects (г’àду, Kotlensko). This process has also affected the combinations шт, жд. Reflexes of these combinations in Bulgarian dialects cannot be considered direct reflexes of ть, дь. They are reflexes or decomposed traces of OBg. combinations шт, жд in к' and г': пàк', зèк’, цвèке, брàк’а, г’àвол, г’àкон and others.

The transition of шт, жд into к', г' goes parallel in the western dialects with the transition of т' into к', and of д' into г'. Thus, for example, in the Kostur dialect, the replacement of шт, жд with к', г', and of т' and д' with к' and г' is very scarcely represented, while in the Kumanovo dialect this is a universal phenomenon.

The change of шт, жд into к', г' could have developed in the following way: врèш’т’е — врèш’к’е — врèйк'е — врèк’е; вèж’д’а — вèж’г’а, вèйг’а — вèг’а. Examples with шк' are still found today in Gevgeliysko, Bansko, Kyustendilsko and Vrachansko: прàшк’ум, плàшк’ум 'пращам, плащам’ (Gevgeliysko), нòшкем (Kyustendilsko); ношк’à (village Rila), нòшк’ем (Vratsa), etc. The нòшка form is also found in the village Mokreni in Kostursko. The combination шк' is also present in toponymy in the vicinity of Ohrid, in Struzhko and elsewhere in the Ohrid-Prespa basin. This phenomenon is called шт — к' crossover by Bl. Koneski. There cannot be any crossover to speak of here. This phenomenon is the transition of т' to к' without elision of ш.

In the Bulgarian dialects there are other examples with the combination жг': говèжг’о (Samokov), премèжг’и (Koynare – Beloslatinsko). In Strandzhansko, as well as in Lozengradsko (Kavaklia), the form в’àжг'и is found .

From the combinations шк' and жг', the consonants ш and ж could drop out, since they do not have a meaning-distinguishing function. Elision of these consonants is found in most southwestern Bulgarian dialects.

The replacement of шт, жд in the Kostur dialect is the result of palatalization. The alternation of т—ч, д—ж is a phenomenon characteristic of the Bulgarian language. Therefore, the reflexes of these OBg. combinations in the Kostur dialect have developed in the following way: *свèш’т’а — свèшча, *вèж’д’а — вèжжа — вèжа. The same can be said about the reflexes жџ, џ in some villages of the dialect area (see map above). In the process of development of the palatalization of these combinations, the consonants ш and ж played a special role due to their marked softness in the past, which to a certain extent is still preserved today. The combination шч as a substitute for шт is also found in other Bulgarian dialects.

The combination жд in the word гражданин in the dialect occurs in the following forms: гражàнин (Dolnokostursko), граждàнин (Prekopana), граждйàнин (Olishcha), градйàнин (Kosinets). In Ohridsko, located not far from Kosinets, this form is граг’àнин.

The reflexes of шт are found in a small number of verbs: пỳшча (пѹштѫ), исплèшча 'straighten', etc.

Reflexes of жд are very rare: зъвѝждам (Chereshnitsa). In place of the combinations шт, жд, a root consonant and the suffix -ва- are found in today's dialect, with the help of which imperfect verbs are formed from perfect ones: плàт+а — плàт+вам, прàт+а — плàт+вам, фàт+а — фàт+вам, вѝд+а — вѝд+вам, извàд+а — извàд+вам. This process has developed by analogy with the verbs: кỳпа — кỳпвам, ѝда — ѝдвам, кàча — кàчвам, кàжа — кàжвам, etc.

Reflexes of чрѣ-, чрь-

In the place of these Old Bulgarian combinations, the following are found in today's dialect: чер, чâр, чôр, чър and цър, цер, цр̥; чèрно, чầрно, чồрно, чъ̀рно, цъ̀рно and цр̥но. The first three combinations are found in Dolnokostursko, цър and цер in Popole and Gorna Korescha, and чър mainly in Dolna Korescha (see map below).

чрь/чрэ → чър-/чере-: чъ̀рно ‘black’, чървèни ‘red’, чъ̀рви ‘worms’, черèпна ‘earthenware for bread baking’, черèва ‘intestines’, черèша ‘cherry’ in Dòlna Korèshcha and northern Nèstram villages.

чрь/чрэ → цър-/цере- is found in Popòle and Gòrna Korèshcha: цъ̀рн, цървèна, церèпна (Popole) цъ̀рвена, цèрепна (Gòrna Korèshcha). An exception in both regions is the lexeme черèша/чèреша ‘cherry’.

чрь/чрэ → чåр-/чере- in the northern Nestram and Gramos villages.

чрь/чрэ → чер-/чере-: чèрни, червèно, черèпна in Kostenarìa.

чрь/чрэ → чôр-/чере- in the dialect of the Zhèrveni Pomaks.

The combination цр̥ is found in the dialect of the villages Bapchor and Zhelevo. In Popole and Gorna Koreshcha, as an exception, the combination чер is found in the words черèша and черèпна alongside церèпна.

Of great importance is the crossing of isoglosses. In the Kostur dialect, the combination чър is found with цър. It is here that the answer to the replacement of чър for цър should be sought, not in foreign influence. Due to articulation reasons, the consonant ч before the vowel ъ in the process of hardening could develop into ц.

Reflexes of ръ — рь

In the place of the group ръ — рь, the following combinations are found in the dialect (see map below):

-ър- in Gòrna Korèshcha, Dòlna Korèshcha, Popole, the northernmost part of the Nestram villages: дъ̀рво ‘tree’, къ̀рф ‘blood’, пъ̀рф, пъ̀рва ‘first’, пъ̀рст, гъ̀рк, въ̀р, съ̀рп, гъ̀рп, мъ̀рдам, пъ̀рт, въ̀рта, etc. Exceptions: гръ̀нци ‘crockery’, крèст ‘cross’, everywhere except Popole, where they used къ̀рст.
-âр- in most villages in Nestram and Gramos: кâрф, пâрф, пầрст, гầрк, гầрцки, вầр, сầрп, мầрдам, пầрт, вầрта, etc
-ôр- in the dialect of the Zherveni Pomaks and in Kalevishta (Καλή Βρύση), Nestram region: кồрф, пồрф, пồрст, гồрк, вồр, сồрце, гồрст, etc.
-ер- and -е̥р- in Kostenariata and Ezerets (Πετροπουλάκι): кèрф, пèрф, пèрст, гèрк, сèрце, вèрх, сèрп, пèрт и кè̥рф, пè̥рф, пè̥рст, гè̥рк, сè̥рце, вè̥рх, сè̥рп, etc.
-р̥- in the villages Bapchor and Zhelevo: кр̥̀ф, пр̥̀ф, пр̥̀ст, гр̥̀к, ср̥̀це, вр̥̀, ср̥̀п, пр̥̀т, etc. — as in the northwestern Bulgarian dialects.

Reflexes of лъ — ль

In place of the group лъ — ль in the Kostur dialect, the following combinations are found (see map below):

-ъл- in Dòlna Korèshcha, Gòrna Korèshcha, Popòle and the northern Nestram villages: въ̀лк, вълчѝца, въ̀лна, къ̀лна, мъ̀лза, пъ̀лна, мъ̀лча, дъ̀лк, дъ̀лго ‘long’, пъ̀лн ‘full’, мъ̀лзи ‘(she) milks’, ‘тъ̀лча ‘squash’, жъ̀лт ‘yellow’, etc.
-âл- in the northern Nèstram and Gramos villages: вầлк, вâлчѝца, вầлна, кầлна, дầлго ‘long’, пầлн ‘full’, мầлзи ‘(she) milks’, тầлча ‘squash’, жầлт ‘yellow’, etc.
-ôл- in Nèstram, Kostenarìa and in the dialect of the Zhèrveni Pomaks: вồлк, вồлчйца, вồлна, кồлна, дồлго ‘long’, пồлн ‘full’, мồлзи ‘(she) milks’, тồлча ‘squash’, жồлт ‘yellow’, etc.
-л̥- in the villages of Bapchor and Zhelevo: вл̥̀к, вл̥чѝца (Bapchor), вл̥̀чица (Zhelevo), вл̥̀на, кл̥̀на, мл̥̀за, пл̥̀на, мл̥̀ча, дл̥̀к, etc.

An exception to the above-mentioned cases is the clarification of this Old Bulgarian combination in the words болгàрин ‘Bulgarian’ (Dòlna Korèshcha, Nèstram villages), булгàрин (southern Kostur villages, most villages in Popòle), бо̀гарин (Gòrna Korèshcha), бугàрин (the peripheral villages in Popòle) and зòлва ‘sister-in-law’.

Therefore, when clarifying the OBg. vowels ъ, ь, found in combination with the consonants р and л, these occur:

vowel (ъ, â, ô, е) + р, + л.
vowel (ъ, â, ô, е) + р̥, + л̥.

Groups вн, бн

In the place of thеsе old combinations in Kostur dialect we find:

вн at the beginning of the word: внỳк, внỳчка. This is typical for Dolnokostursko and for some villages in Gornokostursko (Bapchor).
мн in the middle of the word: рàмно 'even', плèмна ‘barn’, глàмна ‘brand’, одàмна 'long ago', оглàмник 'yoke', Слѝмница (village), дрèмно жѝто 'fine grain', загѝмна ' to perish', снòмник 'dream book', etc. In most of the villages of Gornokostursko and at the beginning of the word we find the мн combination: мнỳк ‘nephew’, мнỳка ‘niece’ (Zagoricheni).

Consonant х

The velar consonant x is found only in some villages of the Kostenaria region (Snichene, Zhuzhelce, Mangila, Starichene). It is not found in most of the dialect area. The consonant x is found in the dialect of the village Bogatsko, as the already mentioned dictionary from the 16th century testifies.

According to Bl. Koneski: In some spoke in Kostursko (Bapchor village, etc. .) appears a substitution of к for x in the past tense form: бèк, шèтак, etc., while in the other cases x is usually lost without a trace (referring to Z. Golomb). Regarding the first statement it must be said that in the dialect of the inhabitants of the former village of Bapchor in Kostur, such a substitution is found only among the oldest. In conversations with representatives of the middle and young generation, one does not notice к instead of x in the past tense form. Regarding the second statement of Bl. Koneski it should be emphasized that the consonant x has disappeared without a trace only in very few cases, and that at the beginning of the word, as in most Bulgarian dialects.

This results in:

Replacement of the consonant x with the consonant ф (в): мèф— мèво, глỳф — глỳва, сỳф — сỳва, òфтика, нòфти, ỳво (Yanoveni), etc. In the case of verb forms in the past tense, such a replacement does not occur.
Replacement of the consonant x with the consonant й. This phenomenon occurs mainly in the verb forms for the third person plural in the past tense in the Popole area: бèйа, велèйа, ръботàйа, пеèйа, седèйа, съ молèйа, съ бувàйа, etc. Replacement of x with й is also found in some nouns: снàйа, лèйа, стрèйа, òрèй, etc.
Replacement of x with к: дỳк, въ̀здук (Chereshnitsa). Aged people who have a weak command of the Greek language instead of x in all cases in Greek words and loanwords pronounce к: крòма 'color', кòра 'country, state', номàркин 'district governor, prefect', димаркѝо 'town hall', etc.
The consonant x doubles the stressed vowel before it. This phenomenon occurs in the following situations:
1. In the past tense endings -хме, -хте: спàаме, — спàате, работàаме — работàате, бèеме — бèете, пиèеме — пиèете, видòоме — видòоте, правèеме — правèете, шчукàаме — шчукàате, ойдòоме ‘we went’, фатѝйме ‘we caught’, казàаме ‘we said’, прикажвàаме ‘we talked’, йадèете ‘you ate’ etc. Doubled vowels give the phonetic impression of long vowels.
2. In the word ends for some masculine nouns: влàа, прàа, сиромàа (Popole — сирòма, Koreshcha).
The consonant x has disappeared without a trace at the beginning of the word: лèп, òро, àрно, òда, ỳбаф, ѝч, àбер, àрџа, àйде, арамѝйа, etc. This phenomenon is characteristic of almost all Bulgarian dialects.

The intervocal х is often substituted with в: мỳва ‘fly’, сỳви ‘dry’.

Conclusions

The reflexes of the OBg. vowels ѣ and ъ have a West Bulgarian character.
The reflexes of ь have a general Bulgarian character.
Reflexes of the combinations ръ—рь, лъ—ль have a mixed character: Eastern and Western Bulgarian.
The reflexes of ѫ are Eastern Bulgarian. A phenomenon characteristic of the dialect is the decomposed nasalism mainly before consonants б, д, г.
A reflex of ъ in the combinations ръ—рь, лъ—ль and ѫ in some villages of Dolnokostursko is the vowel phoneme â (labial a), which was established for the first time in Kostursko, and together with the vowel phoneme ô, found in other villages of this region, in the Rhodopes, Dolna Prespa and in Debarsko, helps to establish the voice of these vocals in the earliest Old Bulgarian period.
The clarification of ѧ has a general Bulgarian character, except for the cases where a decomposing nasalism occurs mainly before б, д, г.
The change of the combinations шт, жд, чрѣ—чрь has a mixed character. The transition of шт, жд into шч, ж is the result of a softening process, and in к', д' — of elision and replacement of т' with к' and д' with г'. According to Stoykov, the soft consonants т', д' and the soft consonants к', г' are very close in articulatory terms, but slightly different in hearing. Regarding the reflexes к’, г’, цър and цр̥, no foreign influence should be sought. The combination цър (цървèн) is also found in South-Eastern Bulgaria.
The reflexes of the OBg. combination вн have eastern and western Bulgarian character.
The consonant х has general Bulgarian features: in some places it is preserved, at the beginning of the word it disappears without a trace, in other positions it doubles the vowels standing before it, or it changes into ф (в), й and partly into к.

Reduction of vowels

The reduction of vowels is also inherent in the dialect along the lower course of the Vardar River. [7] Reduction of vowels e, o, a is also found in the eastern part of Kostursko, located in the direction of the lower course of the Vardar River. It is found mostly in Popole and less often in Kostenaria. These two areas are located not far from Vodensko, where the reduction of vowels is a regular phenomenon. [8]

The reduction of vowels in Kostur dialect as a phenomenon affects the vowels a, o, e before and partly after stress, when they do not have a special grammatical function. Therefore, the reduction in the eastern part of Kostursko is partial.

Reduction of the vowel a

The reduction of the vowel a is characteristic of the dialect of the villages in the Popole region. With this phenomenon, the Popole dialect is connected with the Voden dialect. Regarding the reduction of the vowel a in ъ, the dialect of these villages is not uniform in all cases.

In the north-eastern part of the Popole region, the reduction of the vowel a to ъ in a constant prestressed position is a universally regular phenomenon: плънѝна, гръдѝна, пъдѝна, къпѝна, ръмнѝна, ъвлѝйа, ълàйка, ъйдỳтин, ърнъỳтин, ърмàсник, ънгърѝйа, ъндàрин, ъмàлин, ърàпин, ъргàтин, ърèсвам, etc. (Zagoricheni, Chereshnitsa, Mokreni).

The vowel a with variable stress in the different forms of a word in most villages of Popole is not reduced: тàтко — таткòй, грàт — градòй, стàп — стапòй, трàп — трапòй, прàк — прагòй, фàтвам — фатвàйа, прàва — правèйа, клàвам — клавàйа, etc. (Zagoricheni). It is not reduced in the prepositions на, за and the conjunction да: Фатѝйа да-бèге су-пупаг’àта. Утидòйа дур-на-пулувѝнио пъ̀т (Zagoricheni).

In the dialect of the village of Chereshnitsa, the reduction of the vowel a in a constant prestressed position is an almost universal phenomenon, similar to that in the eastern Bulgarian dialects: Àй дъ-òйме дъ-нълèйме вòда ут-чèжмата нъ-Кѝрин трàп. Нòвата къ̀шча е нъпръвèна нъ-мèстото нъ-стàрата. Ърмъснѝцата гу-устàви нъ-дèтто.Only in some loan words it is not reduced: анàсана, анàфтама, батъкшѝйа, арънѝйа, etc. In rare cases, the vowel a is not reduced to ъ in the preposition на and the particle да.

In the dialect of the village of Chereshnitsa, when the stress is moved forward in the different forms of the same word, the vowel a under stress is pronounced sometimes as a, sometimes as ъ: тàтко — таткòви — тъткòви, стàп — стапòви — стъпòви, дйàвул — дйавòли — дйъвòли, прàк — прагòви — пръгòви, etc.

Reduction of the vowel o

The reduction of the vowel o is characteristic more or less for the entire eastern part of the dialect from the villages of Visheni, Bъlgarska Blatsa and Chereshnitsa to Nestram and Ezerets (see map below). This phenomenon in Kostenaria and the village of Nestram occurs before a stress, it is not regular, but it is quite common:

Влашỳле, мòре влашỳле,
шò ти-è чъ̀рна рѝзата ?
— Рѝзата ми-è пỳ-бèла,
съ̀рцето ми-è пỳ-чъ̀рно
пỳ-èна бèла булгàрка.
Булгàрке грèде от-жèтва,
си-грèде бèли, чървèни,
бусил’ковѝна мирѝше ;
влаѝнке грèде от-Грàмос,
си-грèде жòлти торỳнке,
торунковѝна мирѝше.
(Recorded by Sterya Buneva from the village Nestram)

In the villages of Popole, the vowel o, which is in a constant unstressed position before a stress, is reduced to у: гурнѝца, гудѝна, гулèмо, кукòшка, зуграфѝсвам and зугръфѝсвам (Chereshnitsa), пустèл’а, путрèба, пучỳдвам, пушчỳкам, пупàг’а, пулѝца, пулỳпка, урнѝца, утнòво, устàвам, урлѝца, урàло, etc. It should be noted that in the villages Tiolishcha, Kondorbi and Lichishcha, the reduction of o and e is present only in individual words, and not in all informants.

Reduction of the vowel o after stress has been observe by B. Shklifov in his native village Chereshnitsa. The vowel o, found after a stress between consonants, is reduced to у: пèтук, вòсук, кòнуп, нѝсук, млàдус, стàрус, упàснус, пѝскуп, пѝтруп, Бѝтул’а, мѝлус, etc.

The reduction of the vowel o with the suffix -oк (OBg. -ъкъ) is found in Popole and the village Nestram (see map bеside), and in its place in Kostenariata we find a.

When changing the stress on verbs in past finite tense first person singular and plural, the vowel o (òo from -ox) alternates with у: видòоме — вѝду, дойдòоме — дòйду, рекòоме — рèку, ойдòоме — òйду, найдòоме — нàйду, айдòоме — йàду, кладòоме — клàду, etc. Here, not the doubled vowel оо is reduced to у, but only the vowel o, because in first person past tense the stress did not fall on o: вѝдох— видòхме. The vowel before the missing consonant x was doubled only when it stood immediately before the consonant x and was stressed. This reduction of the vowel o is characteristic of most of the dialect area. In the villages Zagoricheni and Kunamichevo there are forms: вѝдо, клàдо, etc.

The reduction of the vowel o in word end does not affect the genitive suffixes, nor the neuter definite article: мàло дèте, мàлото дèте, висòко мèсто, висòкото мèсто, гулèмо дъ̀рво, àрно мòмче, тòпло млèко, шàрено кутàле, etc.

The vowel o is not reduced even when it is a suffix in adverbs formed from adjectives: висòко, àрно, тòпло, горèшчо and гурèшчо, убàво, лèпо, прèпно 'nice', студèно, нѝско, стрèдно, etc. In adverbs that are not formed from adjectives, instead of o we find у: мнòгу, бъ̀ргу, кèлку, тèлку, etc.

Reduction of the vowel e

The reduction of the vowel e goes roughly parallel to the reduction of the vowel o (see map below).

The reduction of the vowel e is not equally prevalent and is found mostly in the Popòle peripheral villages – Cherèshnitsa, Zagoricheni, Mokreni and in some southern villages. A regular phenomenon is the reduction of e in a constant prestressed position: изèро, нивèста, иврèин, иничàрин, ивзòнин, ифтинѝйа, кисилѝна, клипàло, сидèло, лигàло, лиснотѝйа and лиснутѝйа (Chereshnitsa), мисичѝна, ниблибѝйа, нидèл’а, киримѝда, миръклѝйа, вичèра ‘supper’, дибèло 'thick', etc. In some villages of Kostenaria, in the post-stressed position between two consonants, there are separate examples of the reduction of e to и: дèвит, дèсит, се-крѝих (Mangila).

Vowel reduction of e in Chereshnitsa

In the dialect of the village Chereshnitsa, with the exception of a few words (терсенè, керèсте, черèша, перòсйа, прèт and слèт — prepositions, etc.), in the prestressed position the vowel e is reduced to и, and in the poststressed position, when it is between two consonants, regardless of whether it is an etymological vowel or a reflex, is reduced to ъ; кòтъл, чòвък, гòл’ъм, учѝтъл, бèрбър, èдън, шàрън, пèтъл, здрàвъц, плèтън, зèл’ън, дèбъл, изл’ỳпън, etc. When in some of the mentioned words the stress is moved forward, the vowel e reappears: гòл’ъм — голèми, чòвък — човèци, зèл’ън — зелèни, etc.

The vowel e is reduced to ъ and with the reflexive particle се and the short pronoun forms ме, те, не, ве, when they are in front of a verb: съ-ỳдри, съ-ѝзми, съ-жèни, съ-ърмàса, съ-пугъ̀рчи, съ-утèпа, съ-йъдòса, съ-удàви, съ-снъмòза 'got ill’, съ-фàти; мъ-вѝке, мъ-сàке, мъ-вѝде; тъ-мѝлве, тъ-бàре, тъ-шчỳке, тъ-чèкам, тъ-сàкам, нъ-мъ̀че гъ̀рците, нъ-зътвòрве, нъ-бỳве, нъ-плàше, нъ-прàве гъ̀рци; въ-чèкаме, въ-сàкаме, въ-бъ̀раме, въ-мòлиме, въ-мулѝтваме, въ-пỳлиме, въ-крèпиме, etc.

When the above-mentioned short pronominal forms are found after the verb, they are not reduced (imperative mood): вѝкна-ме, сàкай-ме, вѝди-ме, шчỳкай-ме, бàрай-не, вѝди-не, etc.

The pronominal short form ве 'you' does not occur after a verb.

When the reflexive particle stands after the verb (imperative mood), the vowel e reappears: вѝди се, чỳвай се, ѝзмити се, слèчите се, вѝдите се, etc.

A similar reduction of the vowel e is also found in some Eastern Bulgarian dialects (Pavlikeni).

Reduction of e with the reflexive particle before the verb is also found in other Popole villages (Lichishcha, Bъmbuki, Òlishcha, etc.).

In the village Chereshnitsa, the vowel и before the suffix for masculine forms in the narrative mood is reduced to ъ: гувòръл, стòръл, нъпрàвъл, утвòръл, зъбурàвъл, òдъл, сàдъл, мѝсл’ъл, глòбъл (plural гуворѝле, сторѝле, нъправѝле, etc.).

Vowel replacement

Replacement a with e

After the consonants ж, ч, ш, in some cases the vowel a is replaced by the vowel e: жèба, òфчер, воденчèр (Shlimnitsa), жèр, кушèра (Dъmbeni), кучèни (Dranichevo); читѝйа, шимѝйа (Chereshnitsa — а: е: и); шèрен, поръ̀чен, венчèнйе, желовѝта пèсна, печèл’а (Kosinets). (For the replacement of a with e in the word воденичар, see figure below.)

The replacement of a with e in the word чèша is universal.

In the above examples, the vowel a, located before the consonants ж, ч, ш, shares the fate of ѣ.

Replacement of a with e is also found after a soft consonant л': пол’àна — полèна — пулèна, селèнин (Smъrdesh).

Substitution of the vowel a in e after the consonants ж, ч, ш, л' is found in both Northern and Southern Bulgaria.[9]

In the following examples, the vowel substitution is due to various phonetic reasons:

e: a — аврèин, тỳфйак (Nestram), авдовѝца (Ezerets).

е: ъ — èндек (Drenoveni) and ъ̀ндък (Popole).

е: и — ѝли, бѝл’ки 'hopefully’ (Chereshnitsa) and èли, бèл’ки (Kosinets).

е: о — èшче (Koreshcha), òше (Popole).

и: у — гѝч 'tickle’ (Rulya) and г’ỳч (Chereshnitsa), финдỳзи 'hazelnuts' (Koreshcha) and фундỳзи (Chereshnitsa); кискѝйа for кюския 'pavilion’.

а: ъ — знàм (Koreshcha) and знъ̀м (Popole), как and кък (ка, къ).

о: е — кèлку and кèку, тèлку and теку.

Replacement of o with a (akane)

In some villages of the dialect area, instead of the vowel o in the prestressed position, we find the vowel a in the following words: ваданѝчер, слабòда (Chiflik), тапòла, матѝка, лапàта (Bapchor) (see map above).

With these examples of akane, the Kostur dialect is connected to the Rhodope dialects.

Replacement of o with у

Replacement of o with у occurs mostly with some adverbs that do not originate from adjectives and with the preposition во in stressed position before personal pronoun forms in the village of Konomladi: делèку, блѝзу, мнòгу, бъ̀ргу, тèлку and тèку, кèлку and кèку; вỳ-нас, вỳ-него, вỳ-неми, etc. The same substitution is also present with the lexeme кушèра in the village of Dъmbeni. These examples cannot be considered a reduction, since there is no such thing in Koreshchata.

Dropping of vowels

In the Kostur dialect, the dropping of vowels is quite common. It occurs at the beginning, middle and rarely at the end of the word and leads to shortening of syllables, i.e. the word is simplified. Dropping vowels does not affect the meaning of words.

Dropping vowels is also related to stress — only unstressed vowels are dropped.

The drop of vowels at the beginning of the word is limited:

drop of a: нафòра, натамòсвам, Мèрика.

drop of e: вангèлие, сèнцка (трèва) 'есенска’,'autumn'.

drop of и: ликѝйа 'age' (Greek loanword), тал'àнин.

drop of o: пѝнци 'опинци'.

Dropping of vowels in the middle of words

Dropping vowels in the middle of a word is a common phenomenon. It is most common in the Popole region, mainly with the genitive ending, when nouns and adjectives are articled. The same phenomenon is found in Dolnovardarsko and in some Thracian dialects. When forming the definiteness forms for nouns, feminine and neuter adjectives, feminine plurals and plural verb forms for 1st and 2nd person plural, the vowel before the consonants т, н, р, л, м, ш is often dropped: жèна — жèнта, жèнте, пилèна — пилèнта — пилèнте, студèна — студèнта — студèнте, зелèна — зелèнта — зелèнте, плънѝна — плънѝнта — плънѝнте, дèте — дèтто, брàте — брàтто, бàте — бàтто, урàло — урàлто, кутàле — кутàл’то, бѝше — бѝшто, врèме — врèмто, шѝше — шѝшто, знàме — знàмто, вèл’а — вèл’те, мèл’а — мèл’те, пѝша — пѝште, бèра — бèрте, съ-бòра — съ-бòрте, съ-мèра— съ-мèрте, etc. The vowel и is also dropped in the formation of the definite form for the plural of masculine nouns: офчàри — офчàрте, гувендàри — гувендàрте, пъртизàни — пъртизàнте, кумѝти — кумѝтте, ъндàрти — ъндàрте, бугàри — бугàрте, другàри — другàрте, аскèри — аскèрте, etc.

Cases of dropping vowels at the end of the word are rarer. The vowel у is dropped from the possessive article -тòму: Петротòм сѝн (instead of Петротòму сѝн), царотòм шчèрка (instead of царотòму шчèрка), зетотòм мàйка (instead of зетотòму майка), таткотòм нѝва (instead of таткотòму нѝва) and others. We find this phenomenon in the dialect of Ezerets, Zhuzheltse and in other villages of Kostenaria.

The vowel е is also dropped in the negative particle не, found after the particle да (да не) — дàн: Дàн гу-вѝде чỳпето? Дàн гу-бàраш нъ-мъ̀ш-ти? Дàн сàкаш дъ-мъ-зèваш зъ-нивèста? Дàн гу-вѝда дрỳк пъ̀т тỳка (Chereshnitsa).

Metathesis of vowels and consonants

Vowel metathesis is found in the combinations лъ, ръ in the initial syllable: ъ̀лска (Chereshnitsa), ъ̀лшчи (Kosinets), ъ̀рш, ъ̀ржи 'growl', ъ̀рт, ъ̀ршлан, etc.

Metathesis of consonants is found in the following examples: кâртàло (Чука), търкàло (Grache); свѝчки 'all’; лàро (Ezerets) 'plough’; кèлар inst. керал.

Metathesis of the consonants ц—к, ц—т, ц—ч is found in the local name of the primrose: горòквец, Kosinets (< горòцвек); горòтвец — in most villages of Koreshcha (< горòцвет), грòчвъц, Chereshnitsa (< горòцвек’, Sheshteovo).

Metathesis of й consonant is present in Popole for verbal nouns formed with the suffix -нйе: урàйне, пулèйне, спàйне, игрàйне, пасèйне, шчукàйне, одèйне (← *одèнйe ‘going’), бегàйне (← *бегàнйе ‘running’), *дèйна (← дèнйа ‘in the day’). Soft н’ does not occur in the dialect. In the other subdialects there is: одèнйe, бегàнйе, дèнйа.

Metathesis of й is also found in the following two examples: грòйзе, лòйзе (Zagorichani). The forms грòзйе, лòзйе are found almost in the entire speaking area. In кòйн (Zagorichabi), the preposition of й was realized from the indirect case forms, and not from the nominative, because the phoneme cannot be decomposed into two parts.

Transition of soft to hard consonants

The transition of soft consonants to hard ones is a characteristic phenomenon of the dialect. The strengthening of consonants and the clarification of ѣ в е (< ’a) in this dialect has led to a minimal number of soft consonants. Instead of a soft consonant, as is the case in other dialects, only a hard consonant is found in the Kostur dialect in the following examples: зèма 'land’, сѝна ’blue’, кòно 'the horse’, офчàро 'the shepherd’, пъ̀то 'the road’, учѝтело 'the teacher’, тỳтун 'tobacco’, мусулмàнин 'Muslin’, сỳргун 'exile’, дỳшек 'quilt’, etc.

When the consonants г' and т' were strengthened in the Turkish loanwords тюлбен and гяурин received hard к and д: каỳрин, дỳл'бен. In the last example, there is also anticipation.

Insertion of consonants

In the following cases, we find the insertion of the consonants м, б, г by analogy with the remnants of decomposing nasalism: мъ̀нгла, фамбрѝка, пàмбук 'cooton’, џòнџе, ỳмбре, кàндре, йàнглаш.

In the word фулувèйка (Konomladi) 'cuckoo' we find a prosthetic inserted consonant ф. The inserted consonant т is found in the combinations ср' жр: стрèда, стрèде, стрàм, мàстраф, стрèта, Нèстрам, пòстран ждрèбе; н: татковнѝна ’fatherland’; е: лàвам 'bark', бувам 'beat'- (у < ы) — by analogy with verbs such as дàвам, стàвам, плàвам, etc. In the words гòстик, нòхтик there is an inserted vowel и and consonant к (Mangila., Zhuzheltsi) .

Dropping of consonants

Dropping of consonants in Kostur dialect is a frequent phenomenon. It is due to internal linguistic reasons that lead to a simplification of the phonetic structure of the word.

The most common phenomenon is the dropping of the final consonant т: млàдос, стàрос, лỳдос, бòлес, брèс, пàкос, мèкос, мѝлос, нàпре, нàза, пàпра, поп, etc.

The consonant т also falls out in the middle of the word when it is between two consonants: пòсна недèл’а, гàшник, нòшно (врèме).

A characteristic phenomenon for the dialect is the dropping of the consonant т from the suffix -ство: богàсво, арамѝсво, брàсво, домакѝнсво, рòпсво. In isolated cases, it also falls out in other positions: андàрин.

In rare cases, the consonant к also falls out: pa 'again', ка and къ 'how' (Popole), тỳа 'here'.

In some cases in Dolnokostursko and Koreshchata, the consonant д, located before н (дн), falls out: èн, èна, èно, èни, пàна, сèна, etc. In the conjugation of some verbs, the base of which ends in a consonant в or д in first person singular present, the above-mentioned consonants fall out: прàва — прàш, дàвам — дàш, клàда — клàш, вѝда — вѝш, òда — òш, etc.

In the dialect of Gorna Koreshcha, similar to the Bulgarian dialects from central Macedonia, a process of dropping an intervocalic consonant в develops : нèеста, ỳбао, нòо, сỳо, пòике, which is sometimes pronounced, sometimes not.

The consonant в is also dropped in some other cases: отòрвам 'open' (Koreshcha), сòсем and сỳсем, о 'in' — a preposition (Yanovene, Kosinets). Loss of consonants in singular cases: г: сèа, сѝа (Kosinets) 'now', велѝден, о 'him' (Kosinets); м: въ̀пир (Koreshcha), ъ̀ржа 'growl'; ч: пỳша (Popole), пỳшча (Koreshcha), шо, òше (Popole), шчò, èшче (Koreshcha); л: съ̀нце (almost in the whole dialect); н: съ̀лце (Kosinets); к: дйа (< дèа < дèка) (Oshchima); й: àсли (Konomladi); ж: лàйца (Rulya); д: ъвукàтин (Chereshnitsa), л’ỳй (Dъmbeni); м: нèй (< нèми, Dъmbeni).

Insertion and dropping of syllables

In the following two cases we encounter syllable insertion:

то: стомàчкам 'смачкам’ (Dolnokostursko); ни: търнѝнки 'трънки’.

Dropping syllables is a rare phenomenon:

по: брàтим 'побратим’ (Kosinets); чо: зàш (Chereshnitsa), зàшчо (Kosinets); ха: ỳпла 'уплаха’, мàла 'махала’, кабатлѝйа 'кабахатлѝйа'; ти: перосйа (Chereshnitsa) 'перостия’.

In the following examples, the dropping of the syllable is also related to other phonetic changes (palatalization, insertion of a vowel): кỳжна 'кой знàе’; дрỳже 'другаде’; съ̀на 'снаха’ (Kosinets).

Palatalization of к, г, х, т, д, з, с

The results of the softening of these consonants are as follows:

к: ч — чòвек — човèчен, мъ̀ка — мъ̀чен, вèк — вèчен;

к: ц — чòвек — човèци, въ̀лк — въ̀лци, крàци;

г: ж — лèгле — лèжа, мѝгла — мѝжа;

г: з — пòлого — полòзи, мнòгу — мнòзи, нòга — нòзи (Kosinets);

г: s — пòлого — полòsи, нòга — нòsи (Popole);

х: ш — мè(х) — мèше, стрà(х) — стрàшен, прà(х) — прàшен;

х: с — влà(х) — влàси, сирòма(х) — сиромàси;

т: ч — свèшта, лèшта (Prekopana); свèшча., лèшча (all);

д: ж — вèжда, мèжда (Prekopana); вèжа, мèжа (< вèжжа, мèжжа, all);

д; џ — вèжџа, мèжџа (Chereshnitsa);

д: ш: This alternation occurs when forming the predicate mood of the verbs клàда 'to put’ — клàшле, йàда — йàшле, дòйда — дòшле, дàда — дàшле, вѝда — вѝшле, отѝда — отѝшле etc.;

з: ж — вèжа 'to embroid’ — извèза, лѝжа — излѝза, мѝжа — замàза;

с: ш — пѝша — напѝса, брѝша — избрѝса, вѝша — вѝсок, стѝс — стѝша.

In the dialect of Dolnokostursko, the consonant с, found before л' (-ли, -ле), is palatalized in ш: мѝшл’а, дрѝшл’а, шлѝва, машлѝна, шлèп, etc. This phenomenon is a remnant of the Old Bulgarian period (мыслити — мышлѭ). In such cases, з is also palatalized in ж: ижлèза.

Other phonetic changes due to softening and to other causes

дй: г’ — дйàк (Popole), г’акон (Kosinets); ливàдйа (Dolnokostursko), ливàг’а (Popole); попàдйа (Dolnokostursko), пупàг’а (Popole);

г: д — глèто 'chisel’;

й: г’ — йуптин (Dolnokustursko), г’ỳптин (Gornokostursko);

ск: шч — врèскам, пл’ỳскам (Popole), врèшча, пл’ỳшча (Dolnokostursko);

д: з — злàна 'palm’ (Chereshnitsa);

тй: к’ — цвèтйе (Dolnokostursko), цвèк’е (Popole);

т: к — клèе 'rots’ (Kosinets);

к’. т — нèмтур (Rulya), нèмк’ур (Chereshnitsa);

с: ц — цèнка 'shadow’ (Nestram), прèлец (Lichishche);

т’: д — дỳл’бен 'тюлбен’;

к: в — тỳва 'here’ (Yanoveni);

пв: ф — кỳфа (Kosinets), 'кỳпвам (Popole);

д: й — плàйна 'midday’ (Kosinets);

ч: ц — чемèнто 'cement’;

ж: з — чèзма (Kostur), чèжма (Popole).

In the dialect, the following consonant alternations occur in the lexeme spoon (see map opposite):

ж: џ — лъжѝца — олџѝца;
ж: д — лъжѝца — олдѝца, алдѝца;
ж: s — лъжѝца — алsѝца;
ж: з —лъжѝца — алзѝца

St. Mladenov gives лъ̀га as the primary form of spoon [10]. If we proceed from this assumed basis, in the above-mentioned forms we find a replacement of the consonant г with the consonants ж, s, д, џ, з and a metathesis of a vowel in some examples (олдѝца, etc.).

But there is also reason to assume unrealized liquid metathesis and palatalization of д in ж in the forms олдѝца, алдѝца.

Replacement of one consonant with another

Replacing one consonant with another is primarily an assimilation process. This phenomenon can also develop with combinations of vowels and consonants between which there is a vowel: в: б — ибдувѝца (Chereshnitsa), евдовѝца (Kosinets); т: д — капѝдан 'captain’; к: г — гамѝла; г’: к — каỳрин; ш: с — спиòнин; п: б — бỳдра; г: й — мейдан (Kosinets); в: й — тогàйа; к: в — бòчка (Chereshnitsa), бòчва (Nestram).

In the Kostur dialect area, the consonant с from the suffix -ск- is replaced by ц as in the Rhodopes: вòлцки, сèлцки, тỳрцки, бугàрцки (булгàрцки, бългàцки), рòпцки, костỳрцки, солỳнцки, есèнцки, etc.

Anticipation

Examples with the transfer of softness from one consonant to another are found in nouns that end in the suffix -ỳл’ка. The softness of the consonant к, derived from its proximity to the vowel и (-ки) as a plural ending, is transferred to the consonant л standing before it: невестỳл’ка (< невестỳл’к’и), тиквỳл’ка (< тиквỳл'к'и,), питỳл’ка (< питỳл’к’и), къшчỳл’ка (< къшчỳл’к’и) etc.

Prothetic в before the reflex of ѫ in initial position: въ̀глен, въ̀тък, въжѝца, въ̀тър;

Accent

Also see Accent in Bulgarian dialects

The initial studies on the accent system in Kostur dialect [11] [12] indicate only one type of accent — paroxytone (on the penultimate syllable): чо̀век ‘man’ – човèци ‘people’, во̀л ‘ox’ – воло̀ви ‘oxen’, жèна ‘woman’, рабо̀та ‘work’, дèте ‘child’, детèнце ‘small child’. This type is predominant, but it is not the only one. First M. Malecki in [4] draws attention to this phenomenon. With the feminine and neuter nouns and adjectives, the accent is paroxytone, with the masculine nouns and adjectives and with other parts of speech, the accent is proparoxytone (on the third syllable). That is why it is necessary to take a detailed look at the accent system in Kostur dialect.

Kostur accent is in most cases mobile. Suffixes also affect it. The definite article and verb suffixes do not change the accent position: чо̀век ‘човек’ – чо̀веко ‘the man’, човèци ‘people’ – човèците ‘the people’, воло̀ви ‘oxen’ – воло̀вите ‘the oxen’, дèте ‘child’ – дèтето ‘the child’, нѝйа вѝкаме ‘we call’ (compared with вѝкам ‘I call’), вѝйа кàжвате ‘you say’ (compared with кàжвам ‘I say’). This means that in the articulated forms the stress is proparoxytone.

Another type of accent occurs in the Kostur dialect area, which has not been noted in the literature so far. The accent in Gòrna Korèshcha – in Rulya, Bèsvina, Tàrnava, Òshchima and Zhèlevo – is totally different from above. It always falls on the first syllable as in some villages of the Dolna Prespa dialect: по̀вел’ваме ‘we order’, свèкървата ‘the mother-in-law’, о̀печено ‘baked’, рàботниците ‘the workers’. It is also characteristic of the dialect of some villages (Grazhdeno) in Dolna Prespa and is the subject of a separate study.

The accent in the Kostur dialect, as well as the accent in Kaylyar, most of Lerin, Tikvesh, and part of the Veles dialect — Klepata have the same accent system.

Generally speaking, only the western half preserves completely the Kostur dialect while the eastern half is influenced either by Lerin or Bitola dialects. The accent in the western half is also preserved in all its regularity while to the east it is mottled with accent traits from Lerin and Tikvesh-Moriovo dialects. Only in the Boboshchitsa (Korcha) dialect is the stress truly fixed on the penultimate. In Kostur dialect there is indeed a strong tendency to get to the penultimate by dropping the second last unstressed vowel, but there are still plenty of examples of stress on the third syllable from the end: пàдниме, сто̀риме, лю̀дята, пернѝците, плèшчите.

Accent in nouns

Masculine nouns

In non-derivative nouns and in the vast majority of derivatives, the accent falls on the penultimate syllable: тàтко, дèдо, вỳйко, говèндар, пъ̀ндар, сел’àнин, комѝтин, измик’àрин, бербèрин, касàпин, андàрин, аскèрин, булгàрин, арнаỳтин, ергèнин, ѝграч, свѝрач, въ̀рзач, пѝйач, крòйач, òрач, преспàнец, костурèнец, итал’ àнец, полòнец, стàрец, мъртòвец, свèтец, планѝнец, терзѝйа, сайбѝйа, мераклѝйа, кабатлѝйа, арамѝйа, армàсник, калèсник, стрòйник, йỳнак, дàскал, бòрец, гòспо 'Lord’, смъ̀рдл’о, смъргòл’ко, 'sniveller, greenhorn’, бърбòрко, òфчар, волòвар, etc.

In the basic singular form, only the derived nouns formed with the suffixes -àн, -зàн, -чàр, have a final accent: боризàн, пъртизàн (Popole), гъркомàн, сърбомàн (the forms гъркомàнин, сърбомàнин, are also found), левичàр, десничàр. With the word народ, the accent in most Popole villages and in some Dolno Kostur villages falls on the last syllable: нърòт, нарòт. In the Kostenaria, the following words have last syllable accent: мисирòк, мачарòк, биленџѝк.

If the noun is lengthened by one or two syllables when forming the plural forms, the accent moves and falls on the penultimate syllable: нàрот — нарòди, чòвек — човèци, òфчар — офчàри, говèндар — говендàри, пòл’ак — пол’àци, калèсник — калеснѝци, армàсник — армаснѝци, дèдо — дедòви, тàтко — таткòви, стрѝко — стрикòви, трàп — трапòви and трапѝшча, грòп — гробòви and гробѝшча, вòл — волòви, тòп —- топòви, сѝн — синòви, etc.

Nouns that in the singular end in suffixes -ѝйа, џѝйа, лѝйа, in the plural. number have a final accent: арамѝйа — арамѝй, бакарџѝйа — бакарџѝй, батакшѝйа — батакшѝй, бимбашѝйа — бимбашѝй, мушчарѝйа — мушчарѝй, алваџѝйа — алваџѝй, калайџѝйа — калайџѝй, сапунџѝйа — сапунџѝй, лофчѝйа — лофчѝй, дограмаџѝйа — дограмаџѝй, мераклѝйа — мераклѝи, кабатлѝйа — кабатлѝй, пакослѝйа — пакослѝй, дертлѝйа — дертлѝй, etc.

The definite article does not change the character of the accent: чòвек — чòвеко, човèци — човèците, говèндар — говèндаро, говендàри — говендàрите, булгàрин — булгàрино, булгàри — булгàрите, арамѝйа — арамѝйата, арамѝй — арамѝйте, мераклѝйа — мераклѝйата, мераклѝи — мераклѝйте, etc.

Feminine nouns

In singular feminine nouns, the accent falls on the penultimate syllable: жèна, чỳпа, бàба, мòма, аргàтка, булгàрка, г’ỳпка, говендàрка, мераклѝка, планѝна, нѝва, орнѝца, лендѝна 'abandoned field’, въ̀рба, тапòла, крỳша, рамнѝна, ърженѝца, светйца, върснѝца, богорòйца, гъ̀рбл’а, крàдл’а, бỳзл’а, etc.

When forming the plural forms of monosyllabic nouns the accent changes: къ̀рф — кървòви — кървѝшча, кàл — калòви — калѝшча. The number of these nouns is very limited.

Nouns that in the singular end in -ѝйа, in the plural have a final accent: шамѝйа — шамѝй, борѝйа — борѝй, дул'бѝйа — дул’бѝй, корѝйа — корѝй, гердѝйа — гердѝй, лошотѝйа — лошотѝи, куртолѝйа — куртолѝй, расправѝйа — расправѝй, г’урлутѝйа — гурлутѝй, фасарѝйа — фасарѝй, страмотѝйа — страмотѝй, etc.

In the singular, only the word живот in Popole has a local accent: лòша живòт.

The definite article with feminine nouns, too, does not change the character of the accent: мàйка — мàйката, сèстра — сèстрата, воловàрка — воловàрката, планѝна — планѝната, градѝна — градѝната, дул’бѝйа — дул’бѝйата, мàйки — мàйките, сèстри — сèстрите, воловàрки — воловàрките, планѝни — планѝните, градѝни — градѝните, дул’бѝй — дул’бѝйте, etc.

Neuter nouns

The accent on neuter nouns in all cases falls on the penultimate syllable: пòл’йе, мòрие, сèно, езèро, дъ̀рво, йàгне, òко, млèко, врèме, стòлче, дèте, воловàрче, измик’àрче, офчàрче, чỳпче, тèле, магàре, пъ̀рле, врàпче, пѝле, сèдло, орàло, дувàло, търкàло, плашѝло, шѝло, гъ̀рло, etc.

If when forming the plural forms the noun is lengthened by one syllable, the accent shifts and falls on the penultimate syllable: мòрйе — морйенѝшча, пòл’йе — пол’йенѝшча, врèме — временѝшча, etc.

The definite article with neuter nouns, too, does not change the character of the accent: мòрйе — мòрйето, дèте — дèтето, магàре — магàрето, магарѝна — магарѝната, плашѝло — плашѝлото, дъ̀рво — дъ̀рвото, etc.

Accent on adjectives

Usually, the accent falls on the penultimate syllable, except for a few cases when in the masculine form it is on the final syllable: ỳбаф — убàва — убàво — убàви, гòлем — голèма — голèмо — голèми, вѝсок — висòка — висòко — висòки, дèбел — дебèли, etc.

The definite article for feminine and neuter adjectives does not change the character of the accent: бèла — блата, чъ̀рна — чъ̀рната, àрна — àрната, висòко — висòкото, мѝло — мѝлото, дòбро — дòброто, etc.

With the definite article for the masculine gender, the accent is shifted by one syllable: вѝсок — висòкио, гòлем — голèмио, зèлен — зелèнио, дèбел — дебèлио, etc. But if it is taken into account that in essence the definite article is added to the old full form of masculine adjectives, then in that case too the accent is unchanging.

Suffixed adjectives formed with the suffixes -лѝф (-ѝф), -àф (-чàф, -ничàф), -èст, -никѝф in the masculine forms have an accent in the end syllable: ленѝф, мънглѝф, работлѝф, ветрѝф, каменлѝф, страмежлѝф, горчлѝф, дремлѝф, миришлѝф, прикажлѝф, метил’àф, пъртал’àф, болничàф, ветричàф, кашличàф, търкалèст, бузèст, месèст, зеленикàф, жълтаникàф (also зеленѝкаф, жълтанѝкаф).

In suffixed adjectives formed with the suffixes -оф and -ин, the accent is invariable. In the masculine gender it falls on the penultimate syllable, and in the other two genders and the forms for the plural, it does not change: Тòмето Шàмуф, Шàмува чèжма, Шàмуво дèте, Шàмуви нѝвйа (Chereshnitsa), тàткоф — тàткова — тàтково — тàткови., дъ̀мбоф — дъ̀мбова — дъ̀мбово — дъ̀мбови, тапòлоф — тапòлова — тапòлово — тапòлови, бàбин — бàбина — бàбино — бàбини, мàйкин — мàйкина — мàйкино — мàйкини, сèстрин — сèстрина — сèстрино — сèстрини, зòлвин — зòлвина — зòлвино — зòлвини, тèтин — тèтина — тèтино — тèтини, etc.

With some component adjectives, in the forms for the masculine singular, there is an end accent: гологлàф, дебелоглàф, въртоглàф, църноòк (чърноòк), etc.

Gradated forms

When grading qualitative adjectives, the stress does not change: пò-дòбра, нàй-дòбра, пò-àрна, нàй-àрна, пò-висòка, нàй-висòка, пò-ỳбаф, нàй-ỳбаф, пò-лòш, нàй-лòш and others. The particles по and най are also accented.

Accent on numerical names

In the numerals from 1 to 20, the accent falls on the penultimate syllable: èдно and èно, четѝри, сèдом, òсом, дèвет, дèсет, единàйсе, дванàйсе, тринàйсе, четирнàйсе петнàйсе, шеснàйсе, седомнàйсе, деветнàйсе, двàйсе.

In the numerals from 30 to 100, the accent falls on the third syllable from the end: трѝдесе, четѝрдесе, пèндесе, седàмдесе, осàмдесе, девèндесе.

In the numerals from 400 to 900, both parts are accentrd, with the accent on the second part falling on the penultimate syllable: стотйни (четѝри стотѝни, пèт стотѝни, шèс стотѝни, сèдом стотѝни, òсом стотѝни, дèвет стотѝни).

The accent in two-syllable numeral names falls on the penultimate syllable: трѝста, двèсте, сèдом, òсом, дèвет.

In 1000, the accent also falls on the penultimate syllable: ил’àда. Monosyllabic numeral nouns are accented. They do not appear as proclitics: пèт пàри, трѝ òфци, шèс дỳши, èн чòвек, стò брàви.

Accent on pronouns

In the case of pronouns, the accent falls on the second syllable: йàска, мèне, тèбе, нèго, нàска, вàска, тѝйа, мòйа, вàша, нàша, кèлку and кèку, твòйа, etc.

The accent is invariable with the following pronouns: кèлкуф and кèкоф — кèлкува and кèкова — кèлкуво and кèкуво — кèлкуви and кèкови, тèлкуф and тèкоф — тèлкува and тèкова, нèгоф — нèгова, etc.

With the interrogative pronoun къквòй 'what' in Popole (Chereshnitsa) and with the relative pronoun нъкòй the accent falls on the last syllable.

Accent on verbs

In the singular first person present tense the accent falls on the penultimate syllable and keeps its place in all forms: рабòтам, рабòташ, рабòта, рабòтаме, рабòтате, рабòте. Therefore, in plural first and second person the accent falls on the third syllable from the end.

There is a difference between Gorno- and Dolnokostursko regarding the accent in the forms of the past imperfect tense. In Gornokostursko, the accent falls on all forms of the penultimate syllable: збòрве, зборвàше, зборвàăме, зборвàăте, зборвàе and зборвàйа. In Dolnokostursko, the accent in the singular first person falls on the penultimate syllable and keeps its place in the other forms: збòрве, збòрвише, збòрвеме, збòрвете, збòрвее.

In the forms of the past perfect tense, the accent falls on the penultimate syllable.

In the imperative mood in two-syllable verbs in the singular, the accent falls on the penultimate syllable and in the plural the accent does not change its place: стàни — стàните, мòли — мòлите, сèди — сèдите, вèли — вèлите, etc.

In the imperative forms of polysyllabic verbs, the accent is not constant. Usually it falls on the first syllable: дòнеси — дòнесите, рàботай, пòработай, òтори and òтвори, зàтори and зàтвори, etc. Рàботай бъ̀ргу, зàшчо се-стèмна. Òтори врàтата, зàшчо èсти тòпло. Ѝзвади-го рèпейо от-чòрапо (Manyak). When the same form is followed by a short accusative personal form, the accent may also fall on the last syllable: донесѝ-го държèйлето ! Извадѝ-го рèпейо ! (Manyak). In the village of Chereshnitsa, with polysyllabic verbs in the singular imperative form, the accent may also fall on the penultimate syllable. In plural accent does not change its place: дỳнеси — дỳнесите, дунèси, дунèсите.

In passive and active participles and verbal nouns, the accent falls on the penultimate syllable. In passive participles, it is mobile: ỳмбрен — умбрèна — умбрèно, нàписан — написàна, пàднат — паднàти, пèешчем, работàшчем, пиèнйе — пиèйне, работàнйе — работàйне, кланàтйе, пълнàтйе, къснивàтйе, etc.

Accent on invariable parts

Monosyllabic invariable parts of the dialect (prepositions and some conjunctions and particles) are unaccented. They make up a phonetic whole with the words to which they refer: во-нѝвата, на-пàзар, и-йàска, ке-дòйда, се-мѝйа — ѝзмий-се, се-брѝча — ѝзбричи-се, со-мèне, бес-тèбе, со-нèго, etc. However, it should be noted that in Gorna Koreshcha and in some villages of Dolna Koreshcha (Kondorbi, Dъmbeni, Smъrdesh, Kosinets) the prepositions standing before personal pronoun forms, are accented: сò-мене, сò-тебе, сò-нейа, сò-него, бèз-нейа, etc. This phenomenon is also characteristic of the Dolna Prespa dialect.

With a large part of the two-syllable and polysyllabic invariable parts of the dialect (adverbs, prepositions, conjunctions, particles) the accent falls on the penultimate syllable: прòстум, грабанѝца 'running', нòшйа, дèнйа, фчèра, ỳтре, тъ̀нде and отъ̀нде, зàшчо, нàпре, àйде, àбре, àми, кàто (Tiolishcha; but катò, Kondorbi), etc.

In some of them, the accent falls 1) on the last syllable: затò and затòс (Dolnokostursko), амàн, прутѝф (Popole), сакъ̀н, открàй, докрàй, апасàс 'suddenly’, аиабà ’really?’, дурдò, etc.; 2) on the third syllable from the end: ỳдолу, òколу, пòвике, àферум, àшколсум, анàсана, etc.

In interjections, monosyllables are also accented. They are pronounced like the doubled vowels: Ай, и-тòй èсти тàму! Лàăп, цèло йàгне го-изèле воèнаш. Птỳў, и-тѝйа ти-бѝле човèци! Ѝй, кèку порàсна чỳпата!

When the particles form words-sentences, they are accented. Ке дòш? — Нè. Ке-òйме за-дъ̀рва? —- Дà. In reduplication of the negative particle не the first one is accented: Нè, не-сàкам да-дòйда. Нè, не-è тòй. Не is also accented when it is in front of нèма. Нè, нèма да дòйда.

The affirmative particle да is also stressed: Дà, ке-дòйда. Дà, тòй èсти.

Double accent

Feminine and neuter compound nouns and adjectives followed by an eclectic word receive double stress. Masculine forms only in the plural have a double accent: чỳпа — Чỳпатà-му èсти бòлна. Чỳпитè-му èсе лèпи, дèте — Дèтетò-ни дòбре збòрви. Дèцитè-ни èсе о-чужѝна. голèмата — Голèматà-му чỳпа се-армàса. Голèмитè-му шчèрки нè-се ленлѝви (Yanoveni).

Double accent occurs mostly in Dolnokostursko. In Gornokostursko it is regular only with the inflected article: вòлотòму рòк.

Accent in settlement names

The accent in polysyllabic names of the settlements falls mostly on the third syllable: Загорѝчени, Òлишча, Черèшница, Àпоскеп, Кòсинец, Дъ̀мбени, Брèзница, Òшчима, Бèсвина, Конòмлади, Поздѝвишча, Чърнòвишча, Жèрвени, Жупàнишча, Бъ̀мбоки, Бòбишча, Куманѝчево, Чурѝлово, Гòренци, Лѝчишча, Вѝшени, Тиòлишча, Фотѝнишча, Сèтома, Мàврово, Лòшница, Дранѝчево, Добрòлишча, Цàкони, Чèтирок, Ѝзглебе, Гàлишча, Пàпрацко, Òмоцко, Пѝлькади, Новосèляни, Èзерец, Старѝчене, Жỳжелце, etc.

There are few cases in which the polysyllabic names of settlements have an accent on the penultimate syllable: Прекопàна, Кондòрби, Богàцко, Радагòже, Желегòже, Мангѝла, Луврàде, Яновèне.

In the two-syllable names of settlements, the accent falls on the penultimate syllable: Блàца, Бàпчор, Пèсяк, Грàмос, Стèнцко, Чỳка, Грàче, Жèлин, Дỳпяк, Здрèлца, Смъ̀рдеш, Гàбреш, Рỳля.

Conclusions

The following conclusions can be drawn from the examined accent features in Kostur dialect:

Kostur dialect has a variable and a fixed accent. In most cases, the accent falls on the penultimate syllable. The definite article does not change the character of the accent. This fact can be considered as evidence that the paroxytonic accent in Kostur dialect developed before the appearance of the definite article. In the already mentioned dictionary of the village of Bogatsko from the 16th century, the accent is also paroxytonic.
In certain cases, the accent is fixed (бàбин — бàбина — бàбини, тàткоф — тàткови).
Oxytonic accent and examples of proparoxytonic accent are found in the dialect.

Morphology

Noun

Gender

Masculine gender

Masculine nouns include:

Names for male relatives regardless of the ending of the name: тàтко and тàтка (Yanoveni), тèтко and тèтка (Dolnokostursko), дèдо, стрѝко and стрѝка (Dolnokostusko), чѝчо and чѝча, брàт, вỳйко and вỳйка, etc.
Nouns for persons ending in -ѝйа (mostly of Turkish origin): мераклѝйа, батакшѝйа, керваниѝйа, майтапчѝйа, башчанџѝйа, чорбаџѝйа, etc.
Nouns ending in a consonant: плèт, мèт, снèк, говèндар, òфчар, пèшник, трàп, гòстин, мòст, пъ̀т, дъ̀мп, зъ̀мп, ъ̀рт, къ̀т, сàат, пèток, мòзок, мèгдан, кабàат, вòл, бѝвол, шчъ̀рк, кокошàрник, кàмен, къ̀смет, пàмпур, etc.

Note. Many nouns ending in a consonant are feminine, for example: рàдос, жѝвот, бòлес, прòлет, èсен, вàр.
Nouns ending in a doubled vowel before a lost final consonant x: влàă (<влах), грàă (<грах), сиромàă (<сиромах), грèĕ (<грех): Дòбар влàă бèше Мѝтре Влàшето. Грàо се-свàри. Сиромàо нèма лèп да-йàди (Kondorbi).

Note. The noun прàă (dust) is used in both the masculine and feminine genders. The nouns кожух and орех have the forms кòжуф, òрей.

Feminine gender

Feminine nouns include:

Nouns ending in the vowel a, except those denoting men (see above) мàйка, бàба, тèта, стрѝна, нѝна, невèста, кòза, крàва, òфца, мъ̀ска, биволѝца, крỳша, сàбйа, лàмйа, тапòла, рекѝйа, нòга, ръ̀ка, сѝла, добротѝйа, лошотѝйа, etc.
Nouns ending in a consonant: млàдос, стàрос, рàдос, мѝлос, бòлес, прòлет, èсен, сòл', кàл, вàр, пòт, къ̀рф, смъ̀рт, жàр, живòт, пèсок, etc.

Neuter gender

Neuter nouns include:

Nouns ending in the vowel -e: мòрйе, пòл'йе, скòл’йе, врèме, плèме, сèме, мòмче, стòлче, чỳпе, спàнйе, одèнйе, тèле, пъ̀рле, йàгне, стàпче, крàче, нòже, лèпче, тòпче, пỳпче, балтѝче, мèсце, etc.
Nouns ending in the vowel -o: езèро, сèно, млèко, жѝто, чървѝло, грèбло, търкàло, дувàло, седèло, глèто, òко, ỳхо (Snichene), шѝло, белѝло, плàтно, клепàло, сèдло, etc.

Differences in gender affiliation

Regarding the gender of the nouns живòт, къ̀рф, смъ̀рт, there are differences in the dialect. The above-mentioned words in Gornokostursko are feminine, and in some villages of Dolnokostursko (Grache) these are masculine. The nouns вàр, кàл, пèпел, пòт in the dialect of the village of Bela Tsъrkva are masculine, in the dialect of the village of Chereshnitsa they are feminine, and тèл' in the first village is feminine, in the second — masculine. The word лòй in Chereshnitsa is masculine and in Snichene — feminine.

Number

Masculine plural

The plural of masculine nouns is formed as follows:

Monosyllabic nouns form plural forms with the ending -òви (-ой), which is added to the singular form: сѝн — синòви (Kosinets) — синòй (Zagoricheni), стàп — стапòви — стапòй, брèк — брегòви — брегòй, снèк — снегòви — снегòй, зèт — зетòви — зетòй, прàк — прагòви — прагòй, бòк — богòви — богòй, тòп — топòви — топòй, грòп — гробòви — гробòй, etc.

In the same way the following two-syllable nouns form plural forms: тàтко, дèдо, вỳйко, тèтко, стрѝко, чѝчо: таткòви — таткòй, дедòви — дедòй, вуйкòви — вуйкòй, etc.
One part of monosyllabic nouns form a plural also ending in -йà: трàп — трапòви — трàпйа, снòп — снопòви — снòпйа, пъ̀рт — пъртòви — пъ̀ртйа. The forms formed in this way have a collective meaning.
Some monosyllabic nouns form plural only with the ending -йа: брàт — брàтйа, бъ̀лс — бъ̀лзйа 'soil with grass roots’, бòс — бòзйа, дъ̀мп — дъ̀мбйа, тъ̀рн — тъ̀рнйа, пъ̀рт — пъ̀ртйа, etc.
A small number of monosyllabic nouns form the plural ending in -и: зъ̀мп — зъ̀мби, мъ̀ш — мъ̀жи, влàă — влàси, гъ̀рк — гъ̀рци, въ̀лк — въ̀лци, крàци (<крак).
The ending -ѝшче also serves to form plural forms for monosyllabic nouns with collective meaning: грòп — гробòви, where there are many гробòви — гробѝшча, пъ̀т — пътѝшча, сòн — сонѝшча, рѝт — ридѝшча, трàп — трапѝшча, etc.
Polysyllabic nouns form plural forms ending in -и: òфчар — офчàри, нàрот — нарòди, бѝвол — бивòли, говèндар — говендàри, òрач — орàчи, дъ̀рвар — дървàри, лèкар — лекàри, дрỳгар — другàри, дйàвол — дйавòли, стèжер — стежèри, etc.
The nouns that in the singular end in -ин, when forming the plural forms lose this suffix: булгàрин — булгàри, славйàнин — славйàни, сел’àнин — сел'àни, андàрин — андàри, арнаỳтин — арнаỳти. In this way the plural is formed for other nouns, too, such as еврèин, музавѝрин, стопàнин, костурчàнин, битолчàнин, каймакàнин, гражàнин, спиòнин, комѝтин, etc.
Nouns whose singular base ends in the suffix -ен form plural forms ending in -йа: кàмен — камèнйа (камèйна, Popole), рèмен — ремèнйа (ремèйна, Popole), кòрен — корèнйа (корèйна, Popole), etc.

Note. The nouns кòстен, пъ̀рстен, òстен form the plural forms with suffix -и: костèни, пърстèни, остèни. The noun плàмен has no plural form.
Nouns ending in the singular with the suffix -ѝйа, form plural forms by replacing -йа with -и, and then the sound ии merges into ѝй: комшѝйа — комшѝй, мераклѝйа — мераклѝй, батакшѝйа — батакшѝй, късметлѝйа — късметлѝй, бостанџѝйа — бостанџѝй, дограмаџѝйа — дограмаџѝй, etc.

Feminine plural

The plural of feminine nouns is formed as follows:

With monosyllabic nouns, the plural forms numbers are formed with the suffixes -òви (-òй) or -ѝшча: къ̀рф — кървòви — кървòи (Zagoricheni) — кървѝшча, кàл — калòви — калѝшча. Few monosyllabic feminine nouns have plural forms. The forms made with the ending -ѝшче have a collective character.

This ending, which is the same as the masculine ending, is due to the gender fluctuation of the same words.
Polysyllabic nouns denoting animate and abstract objects, nouns used to name parts of the body and vegetation form plural ending in -и: жèна — жèни, чỳпа — чỳпи, шчèрка — шчèрки, мàйка — мàйки, глàва — глàви, нòга — нòзи and нòsи, ръ̀ка — ръ̀ци, йàка — йàки. In this way they form plural for nouns such as кòза, кобѝла, вълчѝца, мèчка, бѝшка, тèта, сèстра, нѝна, стрѝна, бỳка, къпѝна, маменѝца, тапòла, чужѝна, добрѝна, височѝна, дълбочѝна, etc.
Polysyllabic nouns denoting inanimate objects form plural in Gornokostursko mostly with the ending -йа and -'a, and in Dolnokostursko — as with nouns for animate and abstract objects ending in -и: ливàда, — ливàдйа and ливàг’а, нѝва — нѝвйа, трèва — трèвйа, планѝна — планѝнйа, падѝна — падѝнйа, кошàра — кошàрйа, калѝва — калѝвйа, etc. The plural form of the noun къ̀шча in the villages of Kosinets and Smъrdesh is къ̀шйа (compare with the Thracian form къшт’à).
Nouns ending in -ѝйа in the singular, make their plural forms by dropping -a and merging -ии into ѝй: шамѝйа — шамѝй, борѝйа — борѝй, дул’бѝйа — дул’бѝй, корѝйа — корѝй, гердѝйа — гердѝй, лошотѝйа — лошотѝй, фасарѝйа — фасарѝй 'alarm' (Greek), etc.
The remaining nouns with a й-stem in the singular form plural ending in -и: сàбйа — сàбйи, лàмйа — лàмйи, шкрàпйа — шкрàпйи, etc.

All feminine nouns in the dialect of the villages of Nestram, Snichene, Zhuzheltse and some other surrounding villages form plural ending in е: жèне, рồце, нòsе, бàбе, мàйке, ливàде, планѝне, тешкотѝе, лошатѝе, дракмѝе, рѝбе, сàбйе, булгàрке, влаѝнке, мồке, нѝвйе, сèстре, гудѝне, etc.

This phenomenon cannot be considered a foreign influence. In all probability, we find here a generalization of the nominative and accusative case of the old plural forms of names from II Old Bulgarian declension with a soft base (дѹшѧ, ӡємлѩ, ӡмиѩ).

Neuter plural

The plural of neuter nouns is formed as follows:

Nouns ending in -o in the singular form plural forms ending in -a: жѝто — жѝта, шѝло — шѝла, дъ̀рво — дъ̀рва, сѝто — сѝта. In this way they form plural in nouns such as езèро, глèто, грèбло, зингàло 'latch’, бàсмо, плàтно, белѝло, корѝто, колèно, бъ̀рдо, венчѝло, видèло, влàкно, дувàло, àро, etc.

The formation of plural of òко, ỳхо, (ỳво) makes an exception: òчи, ỳши.
While in Eastern dialects, nouns ending in -e (-че, -ле), form plural forms mostly with the ending -ета, -та from the generalization of the old -ѧт-stem in the indirect cases, then in the western dialects the old base in the indirect cases -ϵн- has prevailed over the others. The vowel e has been replaced by и (-ин- < -ϵн-). Neuter nouns ending in -e, when forming the forms for the plural get the ending -ѝнйа(-ина). However, in the Kostur dialect, such an ending occurs only with polysyllabic nouns: магàре — магарѝна and мъгарѝнйа (Popole), кутàле — куталѝна — куталѝнйа, тезгèре — тезгерѝна — тезгерѝнйа; офчàрче — офчарчѝна, козàрче — козарчѝна, говендàрчина, воловàрче — воловарчѝна, измек’àрче — измек’арчѝна, ластàрче — ластарчѝна, бишкàрче — бишкарчѝна, etc. In the dialect of the village of Breshchene, by analogy with the last examples, we find the extended variant — чина: магàре — магарчѝна, сугàре — сугарчѝна, кỳчина, àпчина, к’о̀фтина, in Gòrna Korèshcha as it is in Dolna Prespa.
Two-syllable nouns ending in -e form plural forms ending in -нѝшча: знàме — знаменѝшча, плèме — племенѝшча, сèме — семенѝшча, мòрйе — морйенѝшча, пòл’е — пол’йенѝшча, врàпче — врапченѝшча, йỳнче — йунченѝшча, пъ̀рле — пърленѝшча, ждрèбе — ждребенѝшча, чỳпе — чупенѝшча, кученѝшча ‘dogs’, именѝшча ‘names’, апченѝшча ‘pills’, к’офтенѝшча ‘meatballs’. Some disyllabic nouns form plural only with the ending -ѝшча: йàре — йарѝшча, йàгне — йагнѝшча, пѝле — пилѝшча.

The formation of plural forms of two-syllable nouns ending in -e with the collective ending -ѝшча (-нѝшча), is one of the characteristic features of the dialect.
Nouns ending in -ѝшче (they are polysyllabic) form plural forms ending in -a: бунѝшче — бунѝшча, стърнѝшче — стърнѝшча, огнѝшче — огнѝшча, чупѝшче — чупѝшча, женѝшче — женѝшча, etc.
Some polysyllabic nouns form plural forms also with the ending — ки: шимѝче — шимѝчки (шимичѝна), кутѝче — кутѝчки (кутичѝна), цицàрче — цицàрки (цицарчѝна), Popole.

The nouns йàйце and ỳше (ỳхо, ỳво) have the following plural forms: йàйца, ỳши.

Differences in the formation of some plural forms

With the noun дèте, the plural form in Popole is дèца, and in the other districts — дèци. The plural form for тèле in Popole is теленѝшча and тèлца, and in Koreshchata - тèлци (in the singular, the form телец cannot be found). In Popole, along with йагнѝшча (йагненѝшча, Kumanìchevo), there is also a plural form of ъгъ̀нца (Chereshnitsa). The noun лю̀де has the following varieties: л’ỳг’а (Zagorichani), л’ỳдйа (Kondorbi), л’ỳди (Kosinets), and кон: кòни and кòнйа (Kumanìchevo). Feminine nouns in the village of Nestram and in some villages of Kostenariata form plural forms ending in -e.

Forms of nouns when preceded by numerals

In the dialect, there is no number form for masculine nouns. When a numerical (except èден) precedes the noun, it takes the ordinary plural form: двà волòви, трѝ ножòви, пèт човèци, дèсет въ̀лци, etc. Only with the nouns пъ̀т and къ̀т is the number form preserved: двà пъ̀та а-анакатòса въ̀лната со-пòстрик. Му-клàваме двà къ̀та пòстрик и-èн къ̀т въ̀лна (Kosinets).

Nouns with singular only

Nouns used to name metals, foods and other substances, nouns with a collective meaning and verb nouns have only the singular form: лèп, мèт, млèко, сирèнйе, ỳрда, мàс, мàсло, брàшно, квàс, вàр, бàрут, сèно, грòзйе, слàма, прèсол’, гнòй, берèкет, желèзо, бàкар, спàнйе, прàнйе, одèнйе, йадèнйе, сакàнйе, etc.

Feminine abstract nouns that end in -ос have singular forms only: млàдос, стàрос, рàдос, смèлос, etc.

The rest of the abstract nouns mainly have singular forms: жѝвот, смъ̀рт, тежèва, убавѝна, брашновѝна, болнотѝйа, скъпѝйа, тишѝна, цѝкна 'cold weather’, ведрѝна, темнѝца, etc.

Nouns with plural only

Names of objects made up of two identical parts have plural forms only: клèшчи, гàшчи, ножѝци, патỳри, клèнsа 'pattens', трèпки, гребèни 'comber', etc.

The following nouns have only plural: пòсти, Вòдици, трѝци, нòшви, йàсли, согребѝни 'pits dug by dog's paws', горèли, 'гурели’, гризитѝни, etc.

Definitive forms of nouns

Singular

Masculine

The definite article for masculine nouns in the majority of the dialect area is -o: нàрот — нàродо, мъ̀ш — мъ̀жо, чòвек — чòвеко, пъ̀т — пъ̀то, трàп — трàпо, òфчар — òфчаро, пòп — пòпо, etc. In some villages of Dolnokostursko, a full form of the definite article is found -от: мầжот, нàродот, чòвекот, пầтот, трàпот, вầрот (Grache). In the dialect of the villages of Nestram, Mangila, Zhuzheltse, etc. the definite article is -ут (due to reduction from -от): цàрут, мồжут, трàпут, чòвекут, лàфут, брàкут ‘the wedding’, свèкурут ‘the father-in-law’, etc.

Masculine nouns that end in the vowel -o in the singular take the article -то, as do neuter nouns: тàтко — тàткото, дèдо — дèдото, вỳйко — вỳйкото, стрѝко — стрѝкото. The same nouns in Dolnokostursko end in the vowel -a (Yanoveni) and take the article -та, like feminine nouns: тàтка — тàтката, etc.

Feminine

The definite article for feminine nouns is -та: òфца — òфцата, сèстра — сèстрата, мàйка — мàйката, крàва — крàвата, брàва — брàвата, глàва — глàвата, бòлес — бòлеста, рàдос — рàдоста. In this way are articulated also, планѝна, падѝна, жèна, чỳпа, лàпка, бàба, гъ̀мба, дрèнка, бòл’а, бѝл’ка, прòлет, вàр, кàл, къ̀рф, смъ̀рт, смòква, пѝта, etc.

Neuter

The definite article for neuter nouns is -то: мòрйе — мòрйето, пòл’йе — пòл’йето, вѝно — вѝното, гъ̀рло — гъ̀рлото, езèро — езèрото, сèдло — сèдлото, шѝло — шѝлото, магàре — магàрето, пъ̀рле — пъ̀рлето, плашѝло — плашѝлото, орàло — орàлото, etc.

Plural

Nouns ending in the plural in -и and -e, receive the definite article -те: градòви — градòвите, волòви — волòвите, планѝни — планѝните; планѝне — планѝнете, булгàрке — булгàркете, влаѝнке — влаѝнкете (Nestram). In this way, forms for definiteness are also сватòви, дèци, ръ̀ци, пърчòви, кòзи, òфци, рѝби, годѝни, змѝй, молѝтви, другàри, говендàри, пъндàри, комѝти, андàри, etc. In the villages of Mangila, Snichene and Zhuzheltse, masculine nouns receive the article morpheme -ти: градòвити, нарòдити, даскàлити, etc.

Vocative form

In the dialect, vocative forms are used when a person or object is addressed.

Masculine nouns when forming a vocative form receive the endings -e, -o, -у:

е: сѝн — сѝне, бòк — бòже, чòвек — човèче, вòл — вòле, кòн — кòне, брàт — брàте, бѝвол — бѝволе, etc.

о: мъ̀ш — мъ̀жо, свàт — свàто, грàд — грàдо, èш — èжо, спиòнин — спиòнино, гъркомàнин — гъркомàнино, булгàрин — булгàрино, etc.

у: мъ̀жу, свàту, грàду, èжу, булгàрину: Шчо-прàш бре-мъ̀жу ? Дèка òш мѝли свàту? (Kosinets). Therefore, the endings for the vocative form -o, -у alternate in the dialect.

When forming the vocative form, feminine nouns end in -o: жèна — жèно, чỳпа — чỳпо, бàба — бàбо. In this way, also мàйка, сèстра, стрѝна, тèта, вỳйна, шчèрка, крàва, планѝна, гòра, невèста, снàйа, зòлва, аргàтка, булгàрка, офчàрка, жетвàрка, дрỳшка, змѝйа, кỳчка, etc., form vocative forms.

Neuter singular nouns and all plural nouns have no special vocative forms.

Most of the male proper personal names have only a vocative form: Дѝне, Стèфо, Вàне, Мàне, Мѝтре, Пàнде, Блàже, Кòчо, Цѝл'о, Мѝте, Тàшко, Спàсе, Пèтре, Ѝл’о, Мѝчо, etc.

Remains of case forms of old declined article

Kostur dialect is fully analytic, but remnants of the possessive dative are also found. These are forms of the inflected article. The dative form of OBg. demonstrative article тъ тòму in masculine nouns is added to the basic form expanded with a vowel o, derived from the old case ending y: цàро — цàротòму, дйàволо — дйàволотòму, пòпо — пòпотòму, Го̀спотòму чо̀век ‘God's man’, врàготòму мàйка ‘devil's mother’, for example: Тòй йа-звè за-невèста цàротòму шчèрка. Дèка о-дйàволотòму мàйка бèше? Пòпотòму сѝн се-жèни (Kosinets). На-вòлотòму рòк да-съ-скрѝеш, пà ке-тъ-намèриме (Kumanichevo). With neuter nouns, the inflected article is added directly to the base form: кỳче — кỳчетòму, магàре — магàретòму, for example: Кỳчетòму сѝн ми-и-скъ̀рши жамòвите. Магàретòму шчèрка ми-о-мàми чèндото (Kosinets).

The remnants of the old inflected article are mainly used in folklore and in idiomatic expressions.

The use of these case forms in the dialect is one of the characteristic features of Kostur dialect.

Remains of the old case forms are found in the adverbs: дèнйа and дèйна, нòшйа, нàзум — гъ̀зум, въ̀ром.

Personal and family names in the dialect

Male personal names mostly end in vowels -е, -и, -о. This phenomenon is due to the widespread use of the address form (old vocative case). These personal names receive the same endings as masculine nouns receive in general when addressed.

-o: Кòл’о, Тѝпо, Пèцо, Стèфо, Пàндо, Йòто, Спѝро, Пàвл’о, Ѝл’о, Дòно, Къ̀рсто, Цѝл’о, Пèтро, Йòрго, Мѝто, Лèко, Кòчо, Кѝро, Стàмко, Пàско, Кàл’о, Мàно, Трàйко, Рѝсто, Тъ̀рпо, Тàшо, Зѝсо, Жѝфко, Кирйàко, Гѝро, Нỳмо, Нàсо, Лàмбро and Лàбро, Вèсо, Нàсо, Блàжо, Съ̀рбо, Тòдо, Мàрко, etc.

-e: Дѝне, Вàне, Пèтре, Л’àбе, Блàже, Ѝце, Цѝле, Гѝле, Дòне, Кòле, Стàсе, Гèле, Пàне, Тòме, Рѝсте, Йòрге, Пàнде, Кòсте, Тъ̀рпе, Стàсе, Нàке, Тòде, Мѝте, Кѝре, Трàйче, Рѝсте, Съ̀рбе, Кѝрче, Пèце, etc. Some of the above personal names ending in -e are diminutives: Рѝсте, Пàнде, Тъ̀рпе, Съ̀рбе, etc.

Personal names ending in -и are few: Микàли, Метòди, Йòрги, Слàви, Тàки, Лàки, Ристàки, Петрàки, Бỳри 'Борис’, etc.

Male personal names ending in a consonant are too limited in number: Вàнгел’, Тàнас, Стòян, etc.

Female personal names end in vowels -a and -e: Прòша, Лèна, Дѝна, Вàна, Пèтра, Кѝла, Стамèна, Дафѝна, Кирàца, Търпèна, Дàна, Йàна, Сòфа, Дèжа, Цѝл’а, Дòнка, Тòма, Велѝка, Жѝфка, Пèна, Спàса, Вèна, Невèнка, Сỳлта, Кал’òпа, Мѝта, Зòйа, Гѝна, Тѝна (Kosinets). The same names can also end in -e (-че): Прòше, Лèнче, Стамèне, etc.

Female names for spousal affiliation. After marriage, a woman has two personal names. One (maiden's) is official, and the other, received from the name of the husband, is unofficial. The use of the informal name is obligatory in the kinship environment on the male line. Only her husband has the right to call her by her maiden name. The rest of the family address her by the new name, which denotes belonging and submission.

Female names for marital affiliation are formed with the suffix -вѝцa from the man's personal name: Кòл’о — Кол’овѝца, Дѝне — Диневѝца, Стèфо — Стефовѝца, Пàндо — Пандовѝца, Рѝсто — Ристовѝца, Мѝтре — Митревѝца, Пèтре — Петревѝца, Кѝро — Кировѝца, Блàжо — Блажовѝца, etc.

There is no unity in the dialect when forming surnames.

In the dialect of the village of Kosinets, surnames end:

on suffix -òфцки (-фцка): Нỳмо Нинòфцки, Трàйче Нинòфцки, Мѝта Нинòфска (Тодорòфцка), Мàрко Пирòфцки, Мѝтре Пирòфцки, Мàра Пирòфцка, etc.
Consonant and vowel. In fact, this is a surname obtained from the relevant profession: Кòл’о Бакал’, Дѝна Бакàл'ка, Трàйче Бакàл’че, Нàсо Къ̀ршак (voivod's name Atanas Kъrshakov), Дàна Къ̀ршачка, etc.
with the suffix -оф (-еф) there are few surnames: Лàмбро Рỳкоф, Пàндо Киселѝнчеф, etc.

In the village of Ezerets, however, all surnames end in -оф, -ова, (-еф, -ева): Нàскоф — Нàскова, Зѝкоф — Зѝкова, Мѝноф — Мѝнова, Пàндоф-Пàндова, Керпàчеф — Керпàчева, Никòлоф — Никòлова, Тòмоф — Тòмова, Шòмоф — Шòмова, Дỳкоф — Дỳкова, Стàвроф - Стàврова, Пл'àноф — Пл'àнова, Варсàмоф — Варсàмова, Г’àтоф — Г’àтова.

In the dialect of the village of Chereshnitsa, surnames mostly end with the suffix -уф (-ува, -уво): Дѝне Сỳл'уф (killed in 1949 as a major of the partisan troops), Динивѝца and Динвѝца Сỳл'ува, Микàл'че Сỳл'уво, Кòле Пàндуф, Йòрги Рòгуф, Тòме Шàмуф, Тòме Пъ̀рпуф, Стèфо Шклѝфуф, Йòрги Търпчѝнуф, Гѝлето Бèл'уф, Кѝро Зèкуф, Пèцо Пòпуф, Кỳзо Шимàгуф, Дѝне Пл'àстуф (now he lives in Skopie and writes himself as Пл'aстòфцки), Дѝне Шàпуф and others.

A significant number of surnames are formed with the suffix -ин (-ина), which is added to female personal names: Пèтрето Стàсин, Мàра Мàфина, Гѝри Дèспин, Тàшко Цѝнин, Цѝл’а Цѝнина, Тодòрчин, etc. Only two surnames are found with the suffix -фцки (-фцка): Ристòфцки — Ристòфцка, Петрèфцки — Петрèфцка.

The aforementioned personal and family names are not official today. The official names of Bulgarians in Aegean Macedonia are in Greek.

Surnames that end in the suffixes -оф (-еф), -ова (-ева), -цки, -цка, -ин, -на do not receive the definite article. Only surnames ending in a consonant, vowel -a and -o receive the definite article: Къ̀ршако се-отèпа. Кòл’о Бакал'о èсти тỳва. Бакàл'чето се-армàса (Kosinets).

Of the personal names, only those that end in the vowel -e, Тòме — Тòмето, Пèтре — Пèтрето, Кòле — Кòлето can have definite articles. Only in the dialect of the village of Konomladi is such a phenomenon absent: Дòйде Пèтре. Кòле се-армàса. Вѝкни-го Вàне.

Conclusions

The syntactic relations of nouns to other words in the sentence are expressed analytically using prepositions and a common case form.

The dialect also has another feature, characteristic only of the Bulgarian language among the Slavic languages: the definite article. With the masculine article morpheme -o (-от, -ут), the Kostur dialect is connected with most western Bulgarian dialects, with some Misian (Shumen) dialects and with the south-eastern Bulgarian dialects.

With the ending -òви to form plural forms for monosyllabic masculine nouns, the dialect is associated with most Western Bulgarian dialects, and with -йа for some masculine and feminine nouns occupies a special place. This ending has evolved from the old collective -ьѥ.

With the ending -e for the feminine plural, the dialect of the villages of Nestram, Mangila, Zhuzheltse is connected with the Bulgarian dialects of Shopsko.

Adjective

Grammatical gender and number

Singular

In the singular, adjectives have separate forms for masculine, feminine, and neuter.

Masculine

The masculine form ends:

on a consonant: ỳбаф, здрàф, чѝтаф, лèп, àрен, лòш, дòбар, вѝсок, дèбел, бèл, чъ̀рн, чъ̀рвен, зèлен, прèпен, лѝчен, гъ̀рт 'ugly’, мèк, слèп, сѝлен, кỳс, бòлен, пъртал’àф, нòф, стàр, млàт, жѝф, мъ̀тен, дъ̀лк, длàмбок, мѝрен, пàлаф, etc.;
with the vowel -и (suffix -цки): будàлцки, гъ̀рцки, тỳрцки, булгàрцки, съ̀рбцки, андàрцки, комѝцки, партизàнцки, чупѝнцки, воденичàрцки, офчàрцки, планѝнцки, говендàрцки, гъркомàнцки, мерикàнцки, сèлцки, etc.

Adjectives with two main forms (short and long) are rare. The long form is formed by adding the vowel и to the short form ending in a consonant. The long form is used only when addressing: Мòйо тàтко е мѝл. Мѝли-ми тàтко! Лèбо è скъ̀п. Скъ̀пи дèдо, къ̀-си су-здрàвйето? Стàри мòй прийàтел’, шо-прàш? Злàтън пъ̀рдстън. Злàтни бòже, дàй ми сѝла и-здрàвйе (Chereshnitsa).

Feminine

The feminine form ends in a vowel -а: убàва, лèпа, гъ̀рда, стàра, сѝна, голèма, мàла, ширòка, зелèна, кỳса, прèпна, дебèла, слàба, офчàрцка, партизàнцка, комѝцка, булгàрцка, г’ỳпцка, мъ̀шка, жèнцка, etc.

Neuter

The neuter form ends in the vowel -o: лèпо, убàво, крѝво, дебèло, кỳсо, сѝно, зелèно, нѝско, чъ̀рно, бèло, дòбро, партизàнцко, комѝцко, булгàрцко, гъркомàнцко, спиòнцко, мàйкино, тàтково, бàбино, etc.

Plural

The plural form is common to all three genders and is formed from the masculine singular number with the addition of the ending -и: убàви, àрни, голèми, висòки, нѝски, гòрни, дòлни, стрèдни, бèли, партизàнцки, комѝцки, булгàрцки, гъ̀рцки, тàткови, мàйкини, бàбини, тèтини, etc.

By analogy with the ending in the plural number of feminine nouns in the dialect of the village of Zhuzheltse and in some surrounding villages, feminine adjectives end in the plural. number in -e: бèле òфце, висòке чỳпе, дòбре жèне, лòше бàбе, etc.

With a large number of adjectives when forming the forms for feminine and neuter gender and plural number the suffix vowel (-е, -а, -ъ) are dropped: мàзен — мàзна, мàзно, мàзни; злàтен — злàтна, злàтно, злàтни; àрен — àрна, àрно, àрни. This also applies to the following adjectives: стрèден, прèпен, лѝчен, сòчен, прàшен, сѝлен, слàвен, пòтен, врèден, потрèбен, смèшен, бòлен, кàлен, домàшен, дòлен, гòрен, дòбър и дòбар, мъ̀рсен, мъ̀чен, etc.

In many adjectives, however, when forming feminine, neuter, and plural forms the suffix -e does not fall out: дъ̀рвен — дървèна, дървèно, дървèни; стỳден — студèна, студèно, студèни; пченѝчен — пченичèна, ъ̀ржен — ържèна; лèнен — ленèна ; копрѝнен — копринèна ; въ̀лнен — вълнèна; стрèбрен — стребрèна; зèлен — зелèна, чъ̀рвен — чървèна, ламарѝнен — ламаринèна, etc.

With many adjectives, the final voiceless consonant of the main form (masculine) alternates with the corresponding voiced one: бъ̀рс — бъ̀рза, пъ̀рф — пъ̀рва, здрàф — здрàва, нòф — нòва, болничàф — болничàва, млàт — млàда, свèт — свèта, блàк — блàга, мèк — мèка, гъ̀рт — гъ̀рда, пръ̀нт — пръ̀нда, слàп — слàба, сỳф — сỳва, ỳбаф — убàва, etc.

Adjectives in the dialect do not have residual case forms. Case endings for adjectives are also not found in the monument of the village of Bogatsko from the 16th century.

Forms of definiteness

Singular

Masculine

Masculine adjectives form a definite form with the article morpheme -о (-от, -ут), which is added to the expanded stem with the vowel -и (вѝсок — висòки, бèл — бèли, дòбар — дòбри) to masculine nouns : висòки — висòкио, бèли — бèлио, дòбри, — дòбрио, стàри — стàрио, млàди — млàдио, убàви — убàвио, etc.

The article morpheme -от is found in the dialect of Dolnokostursko, and in the villages of Nestram, Mangila, Zhuzheltse, Ezerets it is -ут: бòлниот — бòлниут, дòбриот— дòбриут, стàриот — стàриут, мѝлиот — мѝлиут, etc.

Feminine

Feminine adjectives form definiteness with the article morpheme -та: дòбра — дòбрата, лèпа — лèпата, àрна — àрната, прèсна — прèсната, студèна — студèната, лòша — лòшата. In this way, they form definiteness: тòпла, ỳмна, убàва, булгàрцка, партизàнцка, работлѝва, мѝла, висòка, дебèла, слàба, гнỳсна, пъ̀рва, гòрна, дòлна, делèчна, блѝска, кисèла, блàга, мèка, чупѝнцка, г’ỳпцка, бàбина, тèтина, etc.

Neuter

Adjectives of the neuter gender form definiteness with an article morpheme -то: убàво — убàвото, лòшо — лòшото, голèмо — голèмото, мѝрно — мѝрното, дèсно — дèсното, офчàрцко — офчàрцкото, говендàрцко — говендàрцкото, сèлцко — сèлцкото, мàмино — мàминото, etc.

Specifics in the formation of definiteness forms

When the basic masculine form ends in a sonorous consonant (м, н, р), in Popole the definite form is formed from the short, and not from the extended stem with a vowel -и: гòл’ъм — гòл’ъмо — Гòл’ъмо пъ̀рч гу-изедòйа въ̀лците; зèл’ън — зèл’ъно — У̀блечи-го зèл'ъно фỳстан; бòл’ън — бòл’ъно — Бòл’ъно чòвек дèнъс ỳмре; прукòпцан — прукòпцано — Прукòпцано син не-зъбуръвỳва мàйка и-тàтко; дòбар — дòбаро — Дòбаро чòвък не-òй дъ-спиунѝсва нъ-гъ̀рците (the examples are from the village of Chereshnitsa).

This form for definiteness differs in accent from the form for the neuter gender in those Popole villages (Zagoricheni, Olishcha), where the vowel -e in a post-accented position, located between two consonants, is not reduced to -ъ, as in the village of Chereshnitsa. Therefore, in these villages, the accent has a semantic function. When forming the neuter forms, the accent moves one syllable forward, and when forming the definite form, the accent is fixed:

Non-Article Forms		Article Forms
masculine	neuter	masculine
гòлем	голèмо	гòлемо
зèлен	зелèно	зèлено

Plural

All three genders in the plural number form definiteness with the article morpheme -те, which is added to the non-article form for plural number: убàви — убàвите, àрни — àрните, булгàрцки — булгàрцките, арнаỳцки — арнаỳцките, тàткови — тàтковите, бàбини — бàбините, etc. In some villages of Kostenaria (Zhuzheltse, Mangila, etc.), masculine and neuter adjectives receive the article morpheme -ти: дòбрити мồжи, стàрити л’ỳди, etc.

Types of adjectives

Qualitative, relative adjectives and adjectives from old participles are found in the dialect.

Qualitative adjectives express:

appearance of the person:красѝф, лèп, прèпен, ỳбаф, лѝчен, гъ̀рт 'ugly’, рỳс, чърноòк;
sizes of objects: вѝсок (вѝсок рѝт), гòлем (гòлем дъ̀п), дъ̀лк (дъ̀лга пъ̀рчка), кỳс, дèбел, тèнок;
colors: зèлен, чъ̀рн, бèл, сѝн, черешлàноф, белонàф, вишинàт, мòрен, жъ̀лт, чъ̀рвен, пиперàф, трандафѝл’оф, небèсен;
taste sensations: сòлен (солèно сирèнйе), блàк (блàга пѝта), кѝсел (кисèла чòрба), л’ут (л’ута пипèрка), горчѝф (горчѝва бѝл’ка);
physical properties: здрàф (здрàва жèна), йàк (йàк мъ̀ш) слàп (слàбо дèте), бòлен (бòлен чòвек), слèп (слèпи жèни), кỳц (кỳца баба), сѝлен (сѝлен мъ̀ш), etc.
intellectual, volitional, and moral qualities: дòбар (дòбар стопàнин), мъ̀ндар (мъ̀ндро дèте), ѝтар (ѝтро чỳпе), ỳмен (ỳмна шчèрка), донеслѝф (донеслѝва невèста), скрèжаф 'scrungy’ (скрèжаф дèдо), пречеклѝф (пречеклѝва жèна), страмежлѝф (страмежлѝф òфчар), работлѝф (работлѝф измик’àр), ленѝф (ленѝва жèна), лòш (лòша тèшча), àрен (àрен комшѝйа), погòден (погòден зèт).

Relative adjectives in the dialect express material relations and belonging:

material relations: стрèбрен (стрèбрен пъ̀рстен), дъ̀рвен (дървèно орàло), желèзен (желèзен плỳк), бакъ̀рен (бакъ̀рен котèл), ламарѝнен (ламаринèна четѝйа), зèмен (зèмно плàфче 'plate, saucer’);
affiliation: тàткоф (тàткова нѝва), сèлцки (сèлцки ѝмот), чорбаџѝцки (чорбаџѝцка чỳпа), бàбин (бàбина кошỳл’а), мàйкин (мàйкино дèте), блàцки (блàцки òрман 'forest belonging to the village of Blatsa'), etc.

Relative adjectives formed with the suffix -и (OBg. -ии < ьіь) are not found in the Kostur dialect. They are transmitted in a descriptive way: трàга от-въ̀лк, сирèнйе от-òфци, кòжа от-мèчка, мèсо от-òфца, млèко от-кòза, трàга от-лисѝца, дỳпка от-зàек, etc.

Adjectives from old participles are: горèшч, съ̀шт and съ̀шч, гнѝл

Immutable adjectives

In the dialect, there are also adjectives with one form in the singular for all three genders. They are of Turkish origin: урсỳс, ỳлук ‘paralyzed’, пачарѝс ‘troublemaker’, àл’ас ‘lazy’, тèмбел’, бабаџан, дѝл’бер ‘very beautiful’, кèлеш, маскàра ‘shameless’, кератà, сàкат, сỳртук, терсенè, фỳдул, фукàра, кàтил’ ‘vile’ and others.

Comparative and superlative forms

Only qualitative adjectives for the size of objects, for physical properties, intellectual, volitional and moral qualities form a comparison. The aforementioned qualitative adjectives possess the following degrees of comparison:

Comparative degree. It is formed with the particle пò (пỳ, Popole), which is placed in front of the basic form: ỳбаф — пò-ỳбаф, пò-убàва, пò-убàво, пò-убàви; вѝсок — пò-вѝсок, пò-висòка, пò-висòко, пò-висòки; млàт — пò-млàт, пò-млàда, пò-млàдо, пò-млàди. In this way, the form for comparison is also formed by лèп, мèк, кỳс, дèбел, слàп, лòш, страмежлѝф, работлѝф, крòток, лѝчен, красѝф, мѝрен, ленѝф, ѝтар, бъ̀рс, чѝст, мъ̀рсен, скрèжаф, сѝлен, гòлем, бòлен, донеслѝф, мѝл and others.
Superlative degree. It is formed with the particle най which is placed in front of the basic form: ỳбаф — нàй-ỳбаф, нàй-убàва, нàй-убàво, нàй-убàви; работлѝф — нàй-работлѝф , нàй-работлѝва , нàй-работлѝво , нàй-работлѝви . In the same way the superlative degree is formed by the adjectives mentioned in the comparative degree.

The particles по and най are stressed in the dialect. The reduction of о to у in the particle по (пу) in the eastern part of Popole is a result of analogy — leveling with the form of the preposition по which in the aforementioned area is пу.

The reduction in the number of relative adjectives is due to Greek influence through education in schools. In a descriptive way (with preposition + noun) the use of relative adjectives for indicating material origin is replaced. Speakers of the dialect prefer to say от дъ̀рво, instead of дъ̀рвен, от желèзо instead of желèзен, and so on. They do the same when they speak Greek. When learning a foreign language this form is easier to perceive new concepts. In folk Greek language descriptive way is preferred. So for example in Greek it is more often said τυϱί ἀπό πϱόβατα (like in Костурско сирèнйе от òфци) instead of πϱοβατήσιο τυϱί (овче сирене).

Numeral name

The numeral names in the Kostur dialect are close to the forms of those in the Bulgarian literary language.

Numeral numbers

Numerals for a specific number

The numeral number един in the dialect has two forms: èден (èдън Chereshnitsa, едѝн, Mokreni) in Popole and èн in Dolnokostursko and Koreshchata. From these basic singular forms, the forms for feminine and neuter gender and the common form for plural are formed. The numeral number двà, двè has a form for masculine gender двà and for feminine and neuter genders двè. The other numeral numbers have only one form.

The numeric numerals are:

èден, èдън, èн (for masculine); едѝн (Mokreni),
èдна, èна (for feminine); еднà (Mokreni),
èдно, èно (for neuter); еднò (Mokreni),
èдни, èни (for plural), еднѝ (Mokreni),
двà (for masculine),
двè (for neuter and feminine),
трѝ,
четѝри, читѝри,
пèт,
шèс,
сèдом, сèдум,
òсом, òсум,
дèвет,
дèсет,
единàйсе, идинàйсе and единàйсет (the forms ending with т are widespread in Dolnokostursko),
дванàйсе and дванàйсет,
тринàйсе and тринàйсет,
четиринàйсе, читиринàйсе and четирнàйсет,
петнàйсе and петнàйсет,
шеснàйсе and шеснàйсет,
седомнàйсе, сидумнàйсе and седемнàйсет,
осомнàйсе, усумнàйсе and осемнàйсет,
деветнàйсе and деветнàйсет,
двàйсе and двàйсет,
двàйсе и èдно (èно),
двàйсе и двè,
двàйсе и трѝ,
двàйсе и четѝри (читѝри),
двàйсе и пèт,
двàйсе и шèс,
двàйсе и сèдом (сèдум),
двàйсе и òсом (òсум),
двàйсе и дèвет,
трѝдесе, трѝйсе and трѝдесет,
трѝдесе и èдно (èно) etc.
четѝрдесе, четѝрсе and четѝрдесет,
пèндесе and пèндесет,
шèйсе and шèйсет,
седòмдесе, съдъ̀мдъсе (Chereshnitsa) and седòмдесет,
девèндесе and девèндесет,
стò,
двèсте,
трѝста,
четѝри стотѝни, читѝри стутѝни,
пèт стотѝни (стутѝни),
шèс стотѝни (стутѝни),
сèдом стотѝни, сèдум стутѝни,
òсом стотѝни, òсум стутѝни,
дèвет стотѝни (стутѝни),
ил’àда, две ил’àди etc.
катомѝрйо, кътумѝрйо 'million’

Numerals for male persons

In the dialect, masculine numerals are complex. They are formed from the simple numbers with the suffix -мѝна, which in some cases has a meaning equal to persons:

двà-мѝна,
трѝ-мѝна,
четѝри-мѝна, читѝри-мѝна,
пèт-мѝна,
шèс-мѝна,
сèдом-мѝна, сèдум-мѝна,
òсом-мѝна, òсум-мѝна,
дèвет-мѝна,
дèсет-мѝна,
единàйсе-мѝна, идинàйсе-мѝна,
тринàйсе-мѝна,
четирнàйсе-мѝна, читирнàйсе-мѝна,
петнàйсе-мѝна, шеснàйсе-мѝна,
седомнàйсе-мѝна, сидумнàйсе-мѝна,
осомнàйсе-мѝна, усумнàйсе-мѝна,
деветнàйсе-мѝна,
двàйсе-мѝна, etc.

These numerals can be used to denote plurals that include male and female persons: По-пъ̀то минàе двàйсе и-петмѝна (Koreshchata). They may be men only or men, women and children. More examples: На-нàшчо сèло Загорѝчени на-двàйсе и-пет мàрт ил’àда дèвет стутѝни и-пèтта гудѝна гъ̀рцките ъндàри утепàйа осỳмдесе-мѝна. Тѝйа се-фамѝл’а дèвет-мѝна.

Numerical for an approximate number

When indicating a quantity from 10 to 100 in this dialect, special numerals are formed for an approximate number. They are formed from the base of numerals with the suffix -ѝна:

десетѝна,
тринайсетѝна,
четирнайсетѝна, читирнайсетѝна,
петнайсетѝна,
шеснайсетѝна,
седомнайсетѝна, сидумнайсетѝна,
осемнайсетѝна, усумнайсетѝна,
деветнайсетѝна,
двайсетѝна.

From 20 and up, only the round numerals have a form for an approximate number:

трийсетѝна, тридесетѝна,
четирсетѝна,
пендесетѝна,
шейсетѝна,
седомдестѝна, седумдестѝна,
осомдестѝна, усумдестѝна,
девендестѝна,
стотѝна, стутѝна

Examples: Партизàните бèе двайсетѝна, а-àскеро стотѝна. Въ̀лко влèзе на-кошàрата и-изèде двайсетѝна òфци. От-стò къ̀шчи осомдестѝна се-испустѝе. Йàс бè зàтвор сàму пендестѝна дèна. Имàаме трийсетѝна кòзи и-тѝйа въ̀лците и-изедòе (Kondorbi).

Two consecutive, unrelated numerical numbers also have the meaning of approximate numbers: пèт-шèс: Тѝйа бèе пèт- шèс дỳши. Дъ̀рвата и-продàваме за-двàйсе-трѝйсе дракмѝй. Вòйден по-сèлата жѝве по-трѝдесе-четѝрдесе стàри, и-трѝ-четѝри млàди.

Ordinal numerals

Numeral ordinals in the singular have masculine, feminine and neuter forms, and in the plural. number—only one form common to all three genders. The construction and use of these forms fully corresponds to the literary counterparts in the Bulgarian language:

пъ̀рф, пъ̀рва, пъ̀рво, пъ̀рви,
фтòр, фтòра, фтòро, фтòри,
трèт, трèта, трèто, трèти,
чèтвърт, четвъ̀рта, четвъ̀рто, четвъ̀рти,
пèти, пèта, пèто, пèти,
шèсти, шèста, шèсто, шèсти,
сèдми, сèдма, сèдмо, сèдми,
òсми, òсма, òсмо, òсми,
девèти, девèта, девèто, девèти,
десèти, десèта, десèто, десèти,
единàйсти, единàйста, единàйсто, единàйси,
двàйсти, двàйста, двàйсто, двàйсти,
трѝйсти, трѝйста, трѝйсто, трѝйсти,
четирдесèти, etc.

In the dialect of some villages in Kostenaria (Zhuzheltse, Mangila, Snichene, etc.), the numeral ordinals standing before feminine nouns in the plural number, form plural forms ending in -e: пèрве чỳпе, фтòре пàре, трèте жèне.

Numerical ordinals are formed only from numeric numerals up to a hundred.

Ordinal numerals are mostly used to denote a date. In some cases, for dates up to ten numeric numerals are also used. На двà мàй ке òда на пàзар. На фтòри мàй ке òйме на гòсти. На дèсет мàрт рòди жèната. На-петнàйсе жèтвар фатѝйме да-жнѝеме. На-двàйсе и-пèт мàрт празнỳве гъ̀рците.

In the Old Bulgarian language, numerical forms are also used to denote a date. This phenomenon is also characteristic of the Greek language.

Fractional numerals

Fractional numerals are complex. They express part of something and are formed from numerical and ordinal numerals: двè трèти, трѝ чèтвърти, пèт шèсти, etc.

In the dialect, there are also numerals formed with the suffix -ѝна, with the meaning of fractional numerals: пол and половѝна (пулвѝна, Popole), третѝна, четвъртѝна.

Articles for numerals

All numerals have a definite form, constructed in the following ways:

Numerals that end in the vowels e and и, receive the definite article -те: двè — двèте, трѝ — трѝте, четѝри — четѝрите: Ми-дойдòе нъ-гòсти и-двèте сèстри. Му-се женѝе и-трѝте дèци (Koreshchata). Читѝри òфци имàше и-читѝрте и-изèде въ̀лко (Chereshnitsa).
In Gornokostursko, the final vowel is dropped when articulating composite numerals ending in e in Gornokostursko: двàйсе — двàйсте, трѝйсе — трѝйсте, пèндесе — пèндесте, седòмдесе — седòмдесте, осòмдесе — осòмдесте, девèндесе — девèндесте.
Numerals that end in a vowel also receive the definite article -те: пèт — пèтте, шèс — шèсте, сèдом — сèдoмте, òсом — òсомте, дèвет — дèветте, дèсет — дèсетте, etc.
The numeral стò is articulated by the article -то: стòто.
Numerals that end in the vowel a receive the article -та: трѝста — трѝстата, ил’àда — ил’àдата.
When the numeral is compound and means thousands, only the first word is articulated: Пèтте ил’àди долàри ми-и откраднàе по-пъ̀то. Шèсте ил’àди òфци и-заклàе аскèрите, etc.
Numerical ordinals form the definiteness, like adjectives: пèти — пèтио, пèтата, пèтото, пèтите; двàйсти — двàйстио, двàйстата, двàйсто — двàйстите, etc.

Conclusions

Numerical nouns in the Kostur dialect are very close to those in the literary Bulgarian language.

Pronoun

Personal pronouns

Personal pronouns have separate forms for 1st, 2nd and 3rd singular and plural number and three cases: nominative, accusative and dative. In the two last cases, two forms are found: full and short. Full forms have independent stress, and short forms are clitics (enclitics or proclitics).

Singular

Forms for first person

The nominative form is йàс (йàска, йàскай). The forms йàска and йàс are equivalent and occur throughout the dialect area. Only in the village of Drenoveni, instead of йàска, йàскай is observed. Examples: И-йàс ке-дòйда да-и-пàсиме òфците (maybe йàска too). Йàс бè пèт годѝни, кòга дойдòе гъ̀рците, но-свѝчко памèтвам. Йàска сàкам да-те-зèвам за-сѝн-ми. Йàс сѝ бòл’ън (Chereshitsa). Йàскай бè осомнàйсе годѝни àпс, нò нè-се откàза от-идèйата (Drenoveni). Йàска бè на-пàзарут (Nestramsko).
Accusative forms are full and short. The full form is мèне. Той мèне сàка да ме-ỳчи. Мèне, а-нè тèбе сàке да-отèпе (Koreshchata).

In most cases, the full form is duplicated with the short form: Мèне-ме найдòе да-мъ̀ме. И-на-мèне ме бòли съ̀рцето. Со-нèго и-мèне ке-ме фàте. When used with prepositions, it is not reduplicated except for the preposition на: Со мèне дòйде тòй. Бес-мèне нѝшчо не-стàва. От-мèне ѝмаш да-зèваш. Дỳр-до мèне дòйде. Къ̀му мèне грèди. На-мèне мъ-вѝде (Zagoricheni). Нъ-мèне мъ-уплàши (Chereshnitsa).
The short form is ме (in Popole мъ): Ме-нàйде на-пъ̀то. Ме-вѝде на-òрото. Ме-сàка за невèста. Ме-фатѝе гъ̀рците да-збòрвам булгàрцки и-ме-затворѝе (Kosinets). Мъ-вѝка мàйка. Мъ-удрѝйа у-нòгата и-мъ-устъвѝйа (Chereshnitsa).
Dative forms are short only. Complete dative forms are not used. The short dative form is му: Му-рèку да-дòй при-нàc. Му-вѝкам нèмой тàка, нò нè-ме шчỳка. Му-дàвам да-пѝе и-йàди. The short dative form can be duplicated with an accusative, preceded by a preposition на: Му-дàвам на-нèго да-пѝе и-да-йàди. Му рèку на-нèго да-дòй при-нàc. Му-вѝкам на-нèго, etc.

Forms for second person

The nominative form is тѝ: Тѝ èси дòбре (Yanoveni). Тѝ пà дòйде? Тѝ кòга фчàс бèше на-нѝвата и-съ-въ̀рна? (Zagoricheni). Тѝ сѝ дèтето на-пòл’ако?
b. Accusative forms are full and short.
The full form is тèбе: Тèбе те-бàре. Тèбе те-вѝкам да-збòрваме. За-тèбе и-плèтиме чорàпите. Йàс со-тèбе снè фàра (Kosinets).
When the accusative form is used as a direct complement in the sentence, it is doubled: Тèбе те-сàкам за-невèста (Koreshchata).
The short form is те (in Popole тъ): Те-барàше брàт-ти от-Въ̀мбел. Ке-те-опѝтам нèшчо, прàво да-ми-кàжиш (Kosinets). Вòйдън ки-тъ-армàсам зъ-мòйо cѝн (Chereshnitsa).
Dative forms are short only. Full form is not used. The short form is ти: Ти-донèсу рѝба. Ти-рèку да-ме-чèкаш. Ти-дойдòе гòсти и-нè те-намерѝе дòма. Ти-нòса пѝсмо от-сѝн-ти.

Forms for third person

Masculine forms:

The nominative form is тòй, тòс. The second form is found in Dolnokostursko. Тòй бèше снòшчи тỳва. Тòй èсти мòйо къ̀смет. Тòй не-се-oтèпа, тòй èсти жѝф èшче. Тòй остàна о-Мèрика (Kosinets). Тòс èсти дòбар чòвек. Тòс спѝ.
Accusative forms are of two types: full and short.
The full form is нèго: Нèго го-нàйде да-го-мъ̀чиш. Òй при-нèго. Съ-нèго се-познàваме от-апсàната. До-нèго бè йàс, но остàна жѝф (Kondorbi). Гу-вѝду нъ-нèго пут-тъпòлта (Chereshnitsa). Со-нèго за òда (Nestramsko). Бèс-него не мòжа да жѝва. (Kondorbi). The short form is го (гу, Popole): Го-нàйде дул’бèнчето. Го-видòoме зàспан на-сèнка (Koreshchata). Гу пỳлиш шò прàй су-вулòвите ? Гу-фтъсàаме нъ-стрèт пъ̀то и-гу-пумулѝйме дъ-съ-въ̀рни. Гу пушчỳка на-тàтко му и-стàна чòвък (Chereshnitsa).
Dative forms are only short. The old full dative forms for expressing a dative relationship have been replaced by a preposition + full accusative form.
The short dative form is му: Му-дàду да-йàди. Му-рèку да-не-о-бỳва. Му-йа-звèеме чỳпата за-невèста. Свѝчки му-вèле да-сèди мъ̀ндро. Му-се-отепàе и двèте дèци (Kosinets).

Feminine Forms:

The nominative form is тàйа (тà, тàa) and тàс. The latter is used in Dolnokostursko: Тàйа сàма дòйде на-гòсти. Тà ми-рèче да-те побàрам. Тàa се армàса за дòбро дèте. Тàйа ти рèче тàка да-вèлиш? Тà è работлѝва жèна, àма è лòша, мнòгу збòрва (Kondorbi). Тàс èсти мàйка-ми. Тàс дòйде да-не-бàра дòма, àма нѝкой не-нàйде. Тàс, чỳпата, бèше мнòгу дòбра (Yaboveni).
The forms тàйа (тà, тàa) are used in parallel in the dialect of Gornokostursko. The short accusative and dative forms are not used after prepositions, unless they are duplicated by the corresponding full forms.

There are two accusative forms: full and short.
The full form is нèйа: Нèйа е-пушѝйме за-вòда (Popole). Сò-нèйа бèеме на-жвàтйе. Йàс сèдна дò-нèйа. Сò-нèйа нѝкой не-мòжи да-се-мèри. Нèйа а-сàкам за-невèста (Kondorbi).
The short form is е (йа, а, ъ, га). The form йа is mostly found around the Albanian border. It is noticed in the dialect of the villages of Yanovene and Kosinets: Йа-вѝду шчèрката-му. Офцàта йа-изèде вầлко. Тàс йа-фầрли вầлната (Yanoveni). In the village of Kosinets, the forms йа and a often alternate.

Йàдите дèци, пѝете,
вàйа годѝна дòбра è,
дрỳгата гòспо йа-знàе,
жѝвиме, èл’ умѝраме,
ел’ òйме о-чỳжа чужѝна,
о-затревèна Мèрика,

Òгно да-а-изгòри,
плàмен да-йа-пламнòса.
Откà излèзе Мèрика,
свѝте мерàци кладòе
и-на-лекàри ойдòе.
(Kosinets)

In the village of Konomladi, only the form а is found, and the form e is characteristic of almost the entire dialect area: Е вѝду да-збòрва сò-нèго (Dъmbeni). Е-спасѝйме на-чỳпата. Е-утвòри врàтата. Лисѝцата е-изèде на нàй-гулèмата кукòшка. Е-фатѝйа да-крàди. Тòй е сàка за-нивèста (Popole). In the villages of Chereshnitsa and Bъlgarsko Blatsa, the forms е and ъ are used: Е-вѝде нъ-нèйа — Ъ-вѝде нъ-нèйа. In the village of Zhelevo, located on the border with Lerinsko, the form га is found: Га-вѝду да-рàбота.

The dative form is only short — му: Му-рèку да-дòйди, тà не-сàкаше. На-невèстата му-дàду скъ̀пи нèшча. Му-е-бàци ръ̀ката.

Neuter forms:

The nominative form is тò and тòс in Dolnokostursko: Тò дòйде и-ми-кàза. Тò бèше здрàво, кòга тàка се-разбòли. Тò зàспа. Тò не-шчỳка. Тò èсти со-говèндата. Тòс спѝ, бòлно èсти. Тòс стàна голèмо чỳпе.
Accusative forms are full and short. Full form — нèго: Да-го-вѝш нèго кèку порàсна. Òй прѝ-него. Дò-него èсти бàба-му (Dъmbeni). Short form — го (гу, Popole): Го-вѝду (дèтето). Го-ỳдри (чỳпето) по-глàвата. Го-вързàе (кỳчето) да-нè лàва (Kosinets). Гу-скòрна нъ-дèтто (Chereshnitsa).
The dative form is only short — му: Му-оздрàве на-дèтето пъ̀рсто. Му дòйде (на чỳпето) да-се-бầлви (Yanoveni). Лòшо му-грèй ут-рѝбинто мàсло (Chereshnitsa). Му-дàду да-йàй.

Plural

Forms for first person

Nominative forms are: нѝйа (нѝе). The first form is the most common in the dialect. The second form is mostly found near the Albanian border: Нѝе снè дòбре (Kosinets). Нѝе èсме чѝсти булгàри (Yanoveni). Нѝйа смè сурумàси (Zagoricheni). Нѝйа снè мнòгу мъчèни (Chereshnitsa).
Accusative cases are full and short. The full form is нàс (нàм). In Popole, нàс is mostly found, and in the dialect of the other regions, the two full accusative forms alternate. For example, in the villages of Kalevishcha, Yanovene, Stensko, Chuka, Grache, Drenoveni, Snichene, Nestram, the form нàс is used, and in Kosinets, Starichene, Mangila, etc. — the form нàм. In the village of Dumbeni, both forms are used in parallel. The short form is не (in Popole нъ): Не-видòе на-пъ̀то. Не-направѝе за-ѝч никàде. Не-шчукнàе, шчо-збòрваме булгàрцки и-не-затворѝе (Kosinets). Пòл’ако нъ-нъпрàви мѝниси. Нъ-тушкàйа зъ-тò пỳсто бугàрцко (Chereshnitsa).
The dative form is only short — ни: Ни-псувѝса крàвата. Ни-съ-умòри тàтко. Ни-е-изгорèйа къ̀шчата и-ни-и-звèйа òфците (Popole). Ни-дойдòе гòсти от-Въ̀мбел. Мàма ни-кỳпи нòви чорàпи. Ни рекòе мнòгу нèшча (Kosinets).

Forms for second person

Nominative form: вѝйа (вѝе). The distribution of these two variants coincides with the distribution of the forms for first person plural. Therefore, the second variant is found in the vicinity of the Albanian border. Вѝйа стè дòбри л’ỳг’а. Вѝйа стè àрни су-здрàвйето. Вѝйа прудàвате дъ̀рва? (Popole). Вѝе за-òйте за-дầрва? (Yanoveni). Вѝе шчò прàвите тàму ? (Kosinets).
Невèста жѝто правèше,
дèвет гълъ̀мби ранèше
и-вèрно му-се-молèше:
Гълъ̀мби, брàтйа да-ми-cтè,
вѝе лѝтате висòко,
вѝе глèдате делèку...
(Kosinets)
Accusative forms are full and short. The full form is вàс (вàм). The distribution of the вàм form coincides with the accusative form for first person plural: На-вàс въ-чèке дòма. При-вàс съ-кумѝтите. Ут-вàс грèде и-за-вàс збòрве (Popole). Ке-òда прѝ-вам. Зầ-вам èсти тòва нèшчо (Kosinets). The short form is ве (in Popole въ): Ве-вѝке о-Кỳстур. Ве-фатѝе да-кòсите чỳжа ливàда (Dъmbeni). Въ-кълèсваме на-брàко. Въ-вѝду зàдно дъ-збòрвате. Въ-бàра дèдо Шàмо (Chereshnitsa).
The dative form throughout the dialect area is only short — ви: Ви-рèку да-си-òйте дòма. Ви-постèли да-си-лèгните. Ви-кỳпи нòви пл’àчки. Ви-нòса шекèрки. Дàйте-ми пàри назàем, ỳтре ке-ви-и-въ̀рна. Ви-и-намèри загинàтите говèнда.

Forms for third person

The nominative form is тѝйа (тѝе). Тѝйа се жѝви и-здрàви. Тѝйа гèч легнỳве да-спѝе (Popole). Тѝе ке-бъ̀нде дòма за-òбет (Kosinets). Тѝе èсе дòбре (Yanoveni).
Accusative forms in the dialect are: нѝй, нѝх, нѝми, нѝм, нèми, нèй, нèму. The form нѝй is noticed in Chereshnitsa, Nestram, Stensko, Starichene, etc. И-вѝду на-нѝй да-крàде грòзйе. Су-нѝй нè-си збòрваме, тѝйа се лòши л’ỳг’а. Бèс-да-и упѝтаме на-нѝй, нѝшчо нъ-мòжиме да-ви-кàжиме дàли ке-òйме на-пàзар у-Мàвруво (Chereshnitsa). The form нѝми is used in the villages of Kondorbi, Sheshteovo, and the form нѝм is used in Bela Tsъrkva. In Drenoveni, the forms нèми, нèй are used at the same time. И-вѝду нèми (нèй). Му- дàду на-нèми (нèй) сакавѝца. The form нèму is used in Konomladi.
In the dialect of many villages (Chuka, Kalevishcha, Grache, Breznica, Yanovene, etc.) instead of the accusative form, the nominative тѝйа, тѝе is used. In Mangila нѝх form is noticed: На-нѝх и-вѝдух.
The short accusative form и is common to the entire dialect area: Дòма и-намерѝйме. И-видòоме да-бèге. И-върнàе пàрите. И-напасѝе говèндата. И-изпрашѝе нѝвйата (Koreshchata). Утнòво и-нъправѝйме кỳките (Popole).
The dative form is short — му 'them, to them': Му-рèку да-си-дòйде дòма. Му-и-въ̀рна пàрите. Му-вèлиме на-дèцата да-нè-се откàжве от бугàрцката вèра. На-чỳпите мỳ вèлиме да-сè работѝви, чèсни, донеслѝви и пречеклѝви. Ни-дàве, ке-му-дàваме и-нѝйа. Му-направѝйме дòбро на-нѝй, àма съ-лòшо ни-го-платѝе (Tiolishcha).

A characteristic of the dialect is that the short dative form is used for all genders in singular and plural: му дàду на жèната ‘I gave it to the woman’, тàтко му на дèците ‘the childrens' father', etc.

Forms of personal pronouns

Number	Person	Case forms
		nominative	accusative		dative
		nominative	full	short	full	short
Singular	1	йàс, йàска, йàскай	мèне	ме, мъ	—	ми
	2	тѝ	тèбе	те, тъ	—	ти
	3	masculine тòй, тòс feminine тàйа (та, тàа, тàс) neuter тò, тòс	нèго нèйа нèго	го, гу е, йа, а, ъ, га го (гу)	— — —	му му му
Plural	1	нѝе, нѝйа	нàс, нàм	не, нъ, ни*	—	ни
	2	вѝе, вѝйа	вàс, вàм	ве, въ, ви*	—	ви
	3	тѝе, тѝйа	нѝй нѝми нѝм нèми, нèй, нѝх нèму	и	—	му

* The forms ни, ви have been noticed in Snichene, Ezerets: Ни-видòе на-нàм. Ни-бỳие гèрците. На фатѝе. Ни звèе да-ни-кòле. Ви-вѝду на-вàм. Ви-бàре.

Personal reflective pronouns

The personal reflexive pronoun has two forms: full and short.

The full form is сèбе си: Свèки си-глèда сèбе-си. Сàму за-сèбе-си рабòта. This form is not often used. The full form is replaced by its accusative and short form си : За-мèне си-мѝсл’а. Тòй си глèда сàму нèго, за-дрỳк не-мѝсли.

The short form is си. It occurs often in prepositional use and stands before the verb or before a short accusative pronominal form: Иàс си-кỳпи нòф фỳстан. Си-глàви млàт òфчар. Си-нàйде убàва невèста. Сàм си-е-изèде глàвата. Лòшото си-го-барàше и си-го-нàйде. Тàка си-го-сакàше (Kondorbi).

Possessive pronouns

Possessive pronouns in the dialect have a full and a short form. The full form has the grammatical category gender with adjective endings and definite and indefinite forms. Short forms do not have their own accent.

Full possessive pronouns

Singular forms

First person: мòй, мòйа, мòйо, (мòе); мòй: Тòс èсти мòй сѝн (Dolna Koreshcha). Мòйо тàтко ỳмбре. Тàйа е мòйа чỳпа. Съ-ръзбòле дèтто мòйо. Мòйата (мòйта) крỳша фтàса. Мòйте нѝвйа слàна и сланòса (Popole). Мòе èсти йàгнето. Мòето дèте бòлно лèжи, не-оздрàве èшче (Kosinets).

Second person: твòй, твòйа, твòйо (твòе); твòй. Дèка е òфчаро твòй ? Твòйо òфчар и-зъгѝна òфците. Йàс е-сàкам твòйта гулèма чỳпа. Твòйта мàйка е дòма (Popole). Твòята сèстра èсти бòлна (Dolna Koreshcha). Тòва дèте твòе èсти? Твòето мòмче нèма да-се-въ̀рни от-Мèрика (Kosinets). Мòмчето твòйо ми-рèче дъ-òш при-нèго (Chereshnitsa). Твòйто лѝце ѝма стрỳпйа. Твòйте брàтйа сè дòбре (Kosinets).

Third person: нèгоф, нèгова, нèгово, нèгови (in Popole нèгуф, нèгува, нèгуво, нèгуви): Стàпо è нèгуф. Нèговата шчèрка èсти лèпа (Dolna Koreshcha). Нèговото чèндо за-òди на-кỳрбет (Dolna Koreshcha). Тѝйа нèшча се нèгуви.

The forms нèйн, нèйна, нèйно, нèйни: are also found: Тòй сàму нèйното си-гу-сàка. Не-тъ̀ргай пу-нèйните умѝшча. Бòлните се нèйн тàтко и-нèйна мàйка. Нèйните дèца нè-се жѝви (Popole).

Plural forms

First person: нàш, нàша, нàшо, (нàше, нàшчо); нàши (нàшчи, Tiolishcha). Тàс èсти нàша шлѝва (Nestramsko). Нàшча нѝва е пу-гулèма (Popole). Нàшето сèло го-запалѝе и-нàшите къ̀шйа се-испустѝе (Kosinets). Нàшче мъ̀жи свè пу-чужѝна удèйа дъ-ръбòте (Chereshnitsa). The form нàшчо is noticed in Manyak.

The neuter form нàшо is more common than нàше. The latter is noticed in Kosinets, Yanovene, Kalevishcha, Chuka, Snichene and Konomladi.

In the articulation of the above forms, the definitive article is the same as for adjectives: нàшиo, нàшата, нàшето, нàшото, нàшите. This phenomenon occurs in Koreshchata. Due to elision of the vowels a, o, e, и (нàшта, нàшто, нàште) the combination шт in these forms in the central and eastern part of the dialect area shares the fate of OBg. combination шт -шч: нàшча, нàшчо, нàшче.

Second person: вàш, вàша, вàше, (вàшо, вàшио), вàши (вàшчи). Their distribution coincides with the first person forms (see above). Вàшио тàтко èсти жѝф и здрàф. Вàша мàйка èсти тàс? Тèлето нè èсти вàше (Yanovene). Вàшето дèте èсти лòшо (Kosinets). Вàшча кълъ̀чка не-сèчи (Popole). Вàшите и нàшите мъ̀ки нèме крàй (or нàшче and вàшче).

Articulated forms in the second person are formed as in the first plural (see above).

Third person: нѝн, нѝна, нѝно, нѝни (Popole), тèмен, тèмна, тèмно, тèмни (Koreshchata and Dolna Koreshcha), тèйн, тèйна, тèйно, тèйни (Nestramsko). Example: Вòй е нѝн мнỳк. И-нѝнио сѝн избèга. Нѝната мàйка утнòво съ-мъ̀жи. Тèйниут мồш èсти бòлен (Nestramsko). Тèмната нѝва фтàса. Тèмните дèци и-оставѝе кòските на-планѝните. Тѝйа се тèмни рàботи (Koreshchata).

Short possessive pronouns

Singular forms

First person: ми- Татко-ми èсти жѝф èшче. Мàйка-мѝ ỳмбре (Koreshchata). Брàт-ми съ-нъмèрва у-чужѝна (Chereshnitsa). Сèстра-ми се-мъ̀жи о-чỳжо сèло (Dъmbeni). Мầш-ми èсти о-Мèрика и-йàс за-òда при-нèго (Yanovene).

Second person: ти — Кàжи-му на-брàт-ти да-дòй при-нàм. Тàтко-ти ми-рèче лòши лафòви. Мàйка-ти не-сàка да-те-дàй на-мèне. Рабòтата-ти àрно въ̀рви. Къ̀шчата-ти ке-пàдни. Дèдо-ти Кòл'о бèше кумѝтин (Kondorbi).

Third person: му (for all three genders) — На-Стèфо му-ỳмбре мàйка-му. На-Прòша му-се-разбòле шчèрката. На-дèтето ръ̀чето му-се-посèче. Е-вѝду на-мàйка-му. Зèт-му òйде на-Сòлун. Се-разбòле женатà-му. Мъ̀ш-му èсти дòбар (Manyak).

Plural forms

First person: ни — Дèцата-ни се здрàви и-жѝви. Чỳпитè-ни сè ръботлѝви. Òфците-ни и-изèде въ̀лко. Кукòшкитè-ни свèкуй дèн нèсе. Нѝвйата-ни и-крèна бỳрата (Popole). Къ̀шчатà-ни пàна (Kosinets).

Second person: ви — Мàйка-ви èсти ленлѝва, нèйти да-рабòта (Yanovene). Брàт-ви нèма да-се-въ̀рни. Чỳпатà-ви èсти за-женèтйе. Тàтко ви сè въ̀рна от-чужѝна (Koreshchata).

Third person: му — На-свѝчки му-и-звèе прàвдата 'the cattle’. Л’ỳг’ата избегàйа, à нѝв’ата-му и-кỳките-му устанàйа пỳсти (Chereshnitsa). Тѝе се дòбре, шчèрки-му èшче пò-дòбре (Kosinets). Брàтйатà-му и-на-двèте чỳпи се-отепàе о-бòрбата (Dъmbeni).

The forms of the possessive pronouns can be presented in the following table:

		masculine	feminine	neuter	plural for the 3 genders	short form
singular (one owner)	first person	мòй	мòйа	мòйо, мòе	мòй	ми
	second person	твòй	твòйа	твòйо, твòе	твòй	ти
	third person	нèгоф нèйн нèгоф	нèгова нèйна нèгова	нèгово нèйно нèгово	нèгови нèйни нèгови	му му му
plural (many owners)	first person	нàш	нàша	нàшо, нàше	нàши	ни
	second person	вàш	вàша	вàшо, вàше	вàши	ви
	third person	нѝн тèмен тèйн	нѝна тèмна тèйна	нѝно тèмно тèйно	нѝни тèмни тèйни	му му му

Possessive pronoun свòй, свòйа, свòйо; свòй

The possessive pronoun свòй, свòйа, свòйо (свòе); свòй has limited use. It is used for all persons: Иàс си-е-сàкам свòйта тъткỳвнѝна 'paternal inheritance’ (Chereshnitsa). Тòй не-мòжи да-го-рабòта свòйо ѝмот, а-нè чуж да-зèва. За-свòйте дèца се-грѝжи (Kondorbi).

The short form is used more often in the dialect: Си-го-вѝде дèтето умбрèно. Си-е-покòси ливàдата. Си-е-сàка шчèрката. Нè-си е-мèнваме бугàрцката вèра. Си-и-мъ̀жи чỳпите. Си-го-вѝде къ̀смето. Си-и-остàви дèцата. Сѝно си-го-испъ̀нди (Kondorbi).

The short pronominal form си stands in front of the short personal form, which is in front of the verb form. This distinguishes it from the short form of the personal reflexive pronoun сèбе си (the particle си).

Indicative pronouns

Indicative pronouns for persons and objects:

For proximity: вòй, вàйа, вòйо (вòе, во̄̀); вàйа/ва̄̀, вѝйа (вѝе) ‘this ... these’: во̀й чо̀век ‘this man’, вѝйа л’ỳдйа ‘these people’, Шчо-бàре тỳка вѝе л’ỳди? (Kosinets). Зèми-го вòй пèшник лèп и-дỳнеси-го на-стрѝко-ти. Вàйа жèна не-ми-се-пỳли да-è àрна. Су-вòйо нèшчо шо-сàкаш да-прàш. Вѝйа гъркумàни гу-зъпустѝйа сèлото (Popole).
тòй, тàйа/та̄, тòе (тòа, то); тѝйа, тѝе. These forms are found in the dialect of Gornokostursko: Тàйа чỳпа па-è бòлна. Тòе дèте е мнòгу пъчърѝс (Popole). Тѝйа се лòши жèни. In the dialect of the village of Kosinets, the form тòва is also found for the neuter gender: Тòва èсти дèтето на-съ̀на-ми.
тòс (for masculine and neuter), тàс; тѝйа, тѝе ‘that, … those’. These forms are used in Dolnokostursko: то̀с чо̀век èсти до̀бар ‘this man is good’, тàс жèна èсти лèпа ‘this woman is beautiful’, то̀с тỳва/тỳа чо̀век ми èсти вỳйко ‘this man is my uncle’, Тòс чòвек èсти от Нèстрам. Тàс кầшча èсти на Лàзо. Тòс дèте èсти бòлно. Тѝе èсе гâркомàните (Yanoveni).

Indicative pronouns for indicating signs and qualities:

тàкоф, тàква, тàкво; тàкви and тъквòй, тъквàйа, тъквòе; тъквѝйа (Popole). Тàкоф òфчар не-ми-трèба. Чỳма-ти е тàква лòша жèна. Делèку да-сѝ от-тàкви лòши л’ỳди (Koreshchata). Тъквàйа чỳпа ми-трèба зъ-нивèста. Тъквòй чòвък сѝ тѝ? (Chereshnitsa).
тèлкуф, тèлкува, тèлкуво, тèлкуви (Chereshnitsa), тèкоф, тèкова, тèково, тèкови (Dolnokostursko, Koreshchata). Вѝду тèлкува гулèма змѝйа. Тèлкуво стàна дèтто (Chereshnitsa). Тèкуво голèмо дầрво нèйта (Yanovene). Тèкова стàра чỳпа не-сàкам за-чèндотò-ми.

Interrogative pronouns

Interrogative pronouns for persons and objects: кòй, кòйа, кòйо (кòе); кòй; шо (шу Popole./ шчо, чо (Chъrnovishcha): Кòй-те сàка? Кòйа-ти арèсва от-чỳпите? Кòе йàгне блèе? Кòй се тѝйа л’ỳг’а? (Popole). Шо сàкаш да-йàш? Шу-ки-ублèчиш ? Шчо-сàкаш да-ми-рèчиш? Чо-кỳпи на-пàзаро?

The masculine interrogative pronoun referring to persons has two case forms: кой — nominative, кòго — genitive-accusative. Often times, the genitive-accusative form is replaced by the nominative form: Съ-кòго збòрваш тѝ — Съ-кòй збòрваш тѝ? Съ-кòго бèше за-вòда — Со кòй бèше за.вòда? За-кòго се-мъ̀жи — За-кòй се-мъ̀жи? На-кòго му-дàваш лèп — На-кòй му-дàваш лèп? (Kondorbi).

Interrogative pronouns for attributes:

кàкоф (кàкуф), кàква, кàкво; кàкви and къквòй, къквàйа, къквòе; къквѝйа (Popole). Кàкоф чòвек èси тѝ? Кàква мàйка èсти тàс? Кàкво èсти дèтето? (Dolnokostursko). Кàкви нѝвйа ѝмате? Къквàйа тѝ è ръбòтата? Къквòй мъ̀ш ѝмаш? Къквѝйа сè ливàг’ата? (Popole).
кèкоф, кèкова, кèково; кèкови (Dolnokostursko and Koreshchata), кèлкуф, кèлкува, кèлкуво; кèлкуви (Popole). Кèкова да-е-остàва кòсата? Кèкуви ти-сè дèците? Кèлкуво пурàсна дèтто? Кèлкуви сè вàшче чỳпи? The forms кòлкуф, кòлкува, кòлкуво, кòлкуви are also present in Zagorichene. Probably this is a result of a literary influence

Interrogative pronouns for possession: чѝ, чѝйа, чѝе; чѝ. Чѝ сѝн сѝ? Чѝе дèте сѝ? Чѝйа òфца е-изèде въ̀лко ? Чѝйа èсти тàйа убàва чỳпа? Чѝ волòви влегòе о-ливàдата? Чѝ мъ̀жи се-върнàе от-чужѝна? (Dъmbeni).

Relative pronouns

Relative pronouns in form completely coincide with interrogative ones, but in terms of the function they perform in the sentence, they differ from the latter. Кòй и-да-èсти, трèба да-йа-отвòриш врàтата. Кàкво и-да-èсти дèтето, мàйката и-тàткото го-мѝлве. Кèкови и-да-сè йагнѝшчата, ке-и-продàйме. Чѝйа и-да-сѝ чỳпа, мнòгу си убàва (Smъrdesh). The form found in the village of Zagoricheni: Àйде да-рỳчаме, кòйто дòйде, дòйде, нèма да-чèкаме.

Generalizing pronouns

Generalizing pronouns for persons and objects:

свèки, свèка, свèко; свѝчки and свèкуй, свекòйа, свекòе; съ̀чки, съ̀ти (Popole). Свèки òт-нам èсти со-грѝжи голèми. Свèка мàйка мѝсли дòбро за-чèндото-си (Koreshchata). Свекòе нèшчо си-гỳ-ѝма муръфèто. Свèкуй нъ-мòжи дъ-глèда òфци. Свѝчки снè дòбри. Съ̀ти снè дòбри. (Chereshnitsa);
съ̀т, съ̀та, съ̀то ; съ̀ти. These forms are used in Popole, they mean something whole. The plural form also means 'all'. Съ̀та пѝта е-изèде на-рỳчук. Дèтто гу-ѝспи съ̀то млèко. Съ̀ти л’ỳг’а съ врънàйа ут-къ̀ро (Chereshnitsa). The masculine form сът is often avoided and instead цèл is used
цèл, цèла, цèло; цèли. Цèл нърòт съ-весèли пред-цъ̀рквата (Zagorichane). Цèло лèто не-завъ̀рна дòш. Цèла зѝма върнèше снèг. Двè цèли плèмни сèно ѝмаме. The plural form also means 'all': Цèли мъ̀жи и-заторѝе гъ̀рците. Цèли дèца избегàе от-сèлата (Koreshchata).

Generalizing pronouns for attributes and qualities:

свекàкоф (свекàкуф), свекàква, свекàкво; свекàкви. Нòшно врèме ѝма свекàкви л'ỳг'а пу-пътѝшчата (Popole). Не-сàкам дèтето-ми да-ѝгра со-свекàкви дèци от-мàлата (Kosinets). Свекàкуф нърòт ѝма у-тàйа дỳнйа (Chereshnitsa).
кàта (кàто, кàту) 'every' — used only to indicate time: Кàта дèна пѝеме прèсно млèко. Кàта недèл’а (Drenoveni). Кàто дèна стàвам рàно (Dranichevo). Кàту дèна йàйме сирèйне (Popole).

Indefinite pronouns

Indefinite pronouns for persons and objects:

èркой 'whoever, everyone', еркòйа, еркòе; èркой. Èркой дъ-мѝни пỳ-сèлто, у-нàс ке-дòй (Chereshnitsa). Еркòйа чỳпа не-се-зèва за-невèста. На-èркой не-òтворвай врàта;
нèкой, некòйа, некòе; нèкой. Нèкой рòпа на-врàтата. Некòйа чỳпа пèе о-планѝната (Dъmbeni). Некòе дèте съ-удàви у-изèрто (Chereshnitsa). Нèкой мъ̀жи сàму сe-върнàе здрàви от-гъ̀рцките затвòри.

Indefinite pronouns for attributes:

некàкоф, (некàкуф), некàква, некèкво ; некàкви. Некàкоф мъ̀ш дòйде да-те-бàра. Ме-чèка èшче некàква рабòта? Некàкви л'ỳди ке-мѝне по-сèлото (Kosinets);
еркàкоф (еркàкуф), еркàкво, еркàква; еркàкви 'whatever’. Еркàкуф òфчар йàска не-глàва. Еркàква рабòта тòй не-въ̀рши. Не-кỳпвам еркàкви черèши. Еркàкво гердàнче не-нòси тàйа. Тòй не-дрỳжи сò-еркàкви мъ̀жи.

Indefinite pronouns for quantity are: in Popole: еркèлкуф, еркèлкува, еркèлкуво, еркèлкуви. Еркèлкува и да-è убàва и дòбра, нèма да-е-зèвам; and in the other regions: еркèкоф, еркèкова еркèково; еркèкови. Еркèкова и-да-èсти нѝвата, ке-йа-кỳпа (Kosinets).

The forming of subject pronoun ʻwhoeverʼ and the conjunction ʻwhateverʼ with the help of the prefix ѐр- to become ѐркой and ѐршчо is used in such sentences as Ѐркой да бѝди 'Whoever it may be' (in Standard Bulgarian it is Който и да е), Ѐршчо сàкаш 'whatever you want' (Std. Bg. Каквото поискаш), etc. This feature is found also in Ohrid dialect and may be from Persian (Iranian) origin.

Negative pronouns

Negative pronouns for persons and objects:

нѝкой, (нѝкуй), никòйа, никòйо (никòе); нѝкой (нѝкуй). Со-нѝкой от-гъркомàните не-сàкам да-се-вѝда. За-нѝкой нѝшчо не-нòса. За-никòйа чỳпа от-тàйа къ̀шча нèма да-го-армàсаме. Дòма нèма нѝкой. Нѝкой от-дòбро не-си-го-остàва рòдното мèсто (Koreshchata). Вòйдън нѝкуй не-сàка дъ̀рва дъ-кỳпи (Popole);
ниèден, ниèдън (Chereshnitsa), ниèдна, ниèдно; ниèдни (Popole), ниèн, ниèна, ниèно; ниèни (Dolnokostursko, Koreshchata). Ниèдън мъ̀ш не-устàна у-сèлто (Chereshnitsa). Ниèден бугàрин дан-устàни — викàйа гъ̀рците (Zagorichane). Ниèна кầшча нèма здрàва (Yanovene).

Negative pronouns for attributes and qualities: никàкоф (никàкуф), никàква, никàкво; никàкви. Никàкоф гòстин не-сàкам. Никàква кòжа не-ти-бòрџа. Никàквò сèно не-продàвам. Никàкви злàтни пàри нèмам.

Conclusions

The forms of the pronouns in the Kostur dialect are generally Bulgarian, with the exception of the indefinite èркой, еркàкоф, еркèку, and are close to those of the literary Bulgarian language.

Case forms are found only with personal pronouns.

With the short personal pronouns, we observe the following homonymy: му

form for third person, masculine, singular: Му-рèку на-нèго;
form for third person, feminine, singular: Му-рèку на-нèйа;
form for third person, neuter, singular: Му-рèку на-нèго;
form for third person, plural: Му-рèку на-мъ̀жите, на-жèните и-дèците да-си-òде дòма.

The same homonymy is found in the short forms of the possessive pronouns in the third person singular and the third person plural: мàйка-му. It can mean 1) his mother, 2) her mother, 3) their mother. The meaning of му is understood from the context, for example: Бàба Сòфа èсти меракосàна, сѝн му пѝе вѝно и-рекѝйа (Koreshchata, Nestramsko).

Short personal pronouns are used before a verb, and short possessives are used after a compound noun, with the exception of kin names in the singular: Не-видòе аскèрите. Ни-дадòе мнòгу прѝке. Му-дàвам да-йàди. Му-е-фàл’а чỳпата. Му-и-закòли òфците. Мàйка-му èсти жѝва. Брàтйата-му сè дòбри. Псовѝса крàватà-ни.

The full and short forms of the personal pronoun are used simultaneously to denote the same object of the verb action, similar to literary language. The full form can stand either before the short or after the verb: И-на-нèго му-дàду or му-дàду и- на-нèго. Нèйа е-вѝду. (На-нèйа е-вѝду) or е-вѝду нèйа (е-вѝду на нèйа). И-на-нàм (нàс) ни-рекòе.

Verb

In the verb system of Kostur dilect, we find the following grammatical categories: person, number, subject, gender, tense and mood.

According to their general semantic and formal features, verbs in Kostur dialect can be classified in several ways.

Types of verbs by meaning

Personal and impersonal verbs

In relation to the doer of the verb action, verbs are divided into personal and impersonal.

Most verbs in the dialect are personal (the subject of the action is available). They are conjugated in all persons singular and plural. Such verbs are: чèкам, пèйа, вѝкам, òда, се-мѝйа, сèча, пèча, тòча, съ̀рва, прèда and прèнда, пỳл’а, мèса, вèл’а, пàса, чỳвам 'to keep’, бỳвам, се-мъ̀ча, ỳча, бàрам, клàвам, дàвам, къ̀лна, къ̀сам ’to bite’, бèра, кòпам, etc.

Impersonal verbs lack the subject of the action and he is not implied. They are few in number and are used only in third person singular. Impersonal verbs mainly mean natural phenomena: въ̀рни 'to rain, to snow’, гъ̀рми, ъ̀лска, стỳди, рòси, сѝла се-сèчи 'lightning is seen, but thunder is not heard', тъ̀тни, and also some physical and mental states: ме-бòли, ме-йàпи 'to itch', ми-се-спѝ, ми-се-пѝе, ми-се-òди, ми-се-плàчи, etc.

Transitive and intransitive verbs

Transitive verbs denote actions that directly and completely affect an object, for example: мèра, бèл’а, пèйа, сèйа, кòл’а, крèвам 'to lift', клàвам, дèлкам, пàл’а, òрам, кòпам, жнѝйа, плèта, мèта, мèса, пèра, чèпкам, ткàйа, грèба, влàча, сỳча, зèвам, дàвам, пỳшвам, пѝша, пѝйа, йàда, мъ̀лза, тèрам 'to chase', тèпам, etc.

When the object is an articled noun, reduplicated by a short pronominal form, after the transitive verbs there is a preposition на. This phenomenon is widespread in Popole, Kostenariata and Nestramsko. However, it is not characteristic of the dialect of the Koreshchata region. Examples: Глèдам чòвек — Гу-глèдам на-чòвеко. Пỳл’а мъ̀ска — Е-пỳл’а на-мъ̀ската. Мàцка сàкам да-вѝда — На-мàцката сàкам да-е-вѝда. Бỳвам лòши дèца — И-бỳвам на-лòшите дèца. Фашѝстите тепàйа пъртизàни — Фашѝстите и-тепàйа на-фатèните пъртизàни. Вѝкам, мъ̀жи да-ми-пумôжве — И-вѝкам на-мъ̀жите да-ми-пумòжве. Крèвам камèйна — И-крèвам на-камèйната. (Popole)

Intransitive verbs denote actions that cannot directly and completely affect an object. Such are the verbs бàрам 'walk’, рàста, овèнвам, смъ̀рда, пъ̀рда, цѝкам, блèйа, плàча, рѝкам, кỳкам, кỳцам, седѝнвам, стàвам, стòйа, глàдвам, падѝнвам, спѝйа, etc.

Non-reflexive, reflexive and reciprocal verbs

Non-reflexive verbs are: мѝйа, бỳвам, крòйа, мъ̀лза, трѝжа, брѝча, вàра, плàтвам, съ̀ркам, кàрам, пъ̀лта, затвòрвам, отвòрвам, тỳрвам, въ̀рша, брѝша, лѝжа, къ̀рша, бèса, тèпам, кòл'а, пàса, дỳйа, шѝйа, крòйа, сàкам, дàвам, мѝлвам, etc.

Reflexive verbs are formed from non-reflexive verbs, by placing a short form of the personal reflexive pronoun се (in Popole съ — for accusative case), си (for dative case) in front of the non-reflexive verb. They are: се-мѝйа, се-брѝча, се-мѝсл’а, се-плàша, се-меракòсвам, се-облèквам, се-обỳвам, се-слèквам, се-къ̀рпа, се-тòкма, се-ружам 'to put makeup’, се-мèра, си-вèл’а, си-мѝсл'а, си-рабòтам, си-плèта, си-прèнда, си-въ̀рша, си-жнѝйа, си-збòрвам, etc. Reciprocal verbs are formed in the same way. However, they, unlike the reflexives, have only the plural: се-мѝлваме, се-кàраме, се-пỳлиме, се-бàраме, си-дàваме, си-збòрваме, etc.

Verb types

Verbs in Kostur dialect have the category of form — perfect or imperfect. The type of the majority of verbs is expressed by a morphological marker - a prefix or a suffix. The rest of the verbs lack a morphological marker and the type is expressed through their semantics.

Both imperfect and perfect verbs can be derivative or non-derivative, formed with suffixes and prefixes. Verbs of the imperfect form are found in the dialect, expressing a repeated action: зъкъшл'ỳвам and нъкъшл'ỳвам — I cough from time to time, пудвикнỳвам — I shout from time to time: Пудвикнỳва свèкуро, àма нè è лòш ; врекнỳвам — I growl from time to time, си къснỳвам — I eat from time to time, вреснỳвам, пърднỳвам, гръбнỳвам, си-путпèвам, etc. (the examples are from the village of Chereshnitsa).

Most of the non-derivative verbs are of the imperfect form: пỳл’а, прàва, пàса, мèл’а, крòйа, пèча, мѝйа, пèра, тèрам, крѝйа, пѝйа, кòл’а, кòпам, кàна, дàвам, клàвам, стàвам, etc. The number of non-derivative verbs belonging to the perfect form is smaller: вѝда, кàжа, тỳра, плàта, прàта, кỳпа, фàта, бàца, бъ̀нда and бѝда, клàда, etc.

The prefixed derivative verbs are of the perfective form: напрàва, напѝйа, истỳра, измѝйа, пожнѝйа, разбỳда, скѝна, скъ̀рша, скòрна, закòл'а, открàда, отèпам, прокъ̀лна, etc., and the prefix-suffix verbs are of the imperfective form: закòл’вам, открàдвам, отепвàм.

The verbs formed with the suffixes -ва, -ѝва (-ỳва-) are of the imperfective form: плàтвам, вѝдвам, кỳпвам, бàцвам, рòдвам, развѝвам, покрѝвам, паднѝвам, заспѝвам, оздравѝвам, легнѝвам, поздравѝвам, etc. The verb forms with the suffix -ỳва- are found in some villages of Popole (Chereshnitsa, Bъlgarska Blatsa): заспỳвам, уздравỳвам, пуздравỳвам, etc.

The verbs formed with the suffix -н(а)- in third person singular are in the perfect form: пỳкна, клèкна, пàдна, вѝкна, сèдна, мъ̀лкна, пѝкна, врèкна, скòкна, врèсна, цѝкна, пъ̀рдна, лèгна, свèтна, etc.

Formation of perfect verbs from imperfect verbs

Perfect verbs are formed from imperfect verbs in two ways:

with prefixes:
до-: доплèта, допрèнда, дожѝва, достòра, довъ̀рша;
за-: запèйа, заѝграм, заспѝйа, зашѝйа, засмъ̀рда, заблèйа;
из- (ис-): избрѝша, измèта, изгòра, испѝйа, испèча, истрѝйа, истрѝжа, исỳша (иссỳша), истèча;
на-: напрàва, навèда, натòча, намàжа, набỳвам, нал’òта, надỳйа, напàса, найàда;
о-: отèпам, ожèна, острàма, опỳл’а;
по-: пошчỳкам, пожнѝйа, покòса, погàл’а, помѝлвам, помòл’а;
про-: проговòра, прочèта;
раз- (рас-): разбỳда, расшèтам, расшѝра;
с- (со-): смàчкам, смерѝша, собèра, согрàда;
у-: увèна, увѝйа, уплàша, etc.
with the suffix -н(а), third person singular ни: вѝкам — вѝкна, чỳкам — чỳкна, кỳкам — кỳкна, гъ̀рми — гъ̀рмни, пѝкам — пѝкна, клèча — клèкна, пъ̀рда — пъ̀рдна, etc.

Formation of imperfect verbs from perfect verbs

Imperfect verbs are formed from perfect verbs with the suffixes:
-ва-: курдѝсам — курдѝсвам, арèсам — арèсвам, плàта — плàтвам, кỳпа — кỳпвам, рòда — рòдвам, варòсам — варòсвам, йадòсам — йадòсвам, меракòсам — меракòсвам, закòл’а — закòл'вам, отèпам — отèпвам.
-ѝва-: скѝсна — скиснѝвам, спъ̀рсна — спърснѝвам, ожѝва — оживѝвам, поздрàва — поздравѝвам, оздрàва — оздравѝвам, пèрна — пернѝвам, etc.

Mood of verbs

Declarative mood

The declarative mood has forms for present tense, past perfect tense, past imperfect tense, past indefinite tense, past preterite tense, future tense, future in the past tense, future preterite tense, future in the past preterite tense.

Present tense

Present tense verb forms are formed from present base to which the following personal endings are added: singular — first person. -a, -м (for third conjugation), second person -ш, third person -ø; plural — first person -ме, second person -те, third person -е.

First conjugation
person	singular	plural
1	мѝйа	мѝеме and мѝйме
2	мѝеш	мѝете and мѝйте
3	мѝе	мѝе

The first conjugation pertains to verbs like дỳйа, вѝйа, пѝйа, сèйа, лèйа, лàйа, крòйа, ткàйа, жнѝйа, крѝйа, шѝйа, тлèйа, се-смèйа, блèйа, пл’ỳйа, бл’ỳйа, вèйа, стòйа, гнòйа, etc.

Second conjugation
person	singular	plural
1	нòса, пѝша, пà(д)на	нòсиме, пѝшиме, пà(д)ниме
2	нòсиш, пѝшиш, пà(д)ниш	нòсите, пѝшите, пà(д)ните
3	нòси, пѝши, пà(д)ни	нòсе, пѝше, пà(д)не

The second conjugation pertains to verbs like вѝкна, прèнда, крèна, крèпа, сèдна, мъ̀лза, кòса, вòза, мòл’а, дèл’а, дѝша, лèжа, мѝжа, мàма, òда, пèра, тèча, мèта, плèта, сỳша, бèра, мèра, се-бòра, вòда, плàча, сèча, влèча, прèча, се-мъ̀ча, etc.

Verbs of the second conjugation in the dialect of the village of Mokrene located at the border with Kaylyarsko, in third person end with -е: кòлиш — кòле, сèчиш — сèче, вèлиш — вèле, скòкниш — скòкне. In third person plural the verbs end with -йат, -ат: знàйат, пèйат, кòл'ат, сèчат, пèчат.

Second conjugation
person	singular	plural
1	дàвам	дàваме
2	дàваш	дàвате
3	дàва	дàве

The third conjugation pertains to verbs like рабòтам, кòпам, шчỳкам, пỳкам, рòпам, сàкам, тèпам, тèрам, кàрам, скòкам, стàвам, клàвам, арèсвам, ом'àсвам, ад’àсвам, рòдвам, рàдвам, кỳпвам, плàтвам, мѝлвам, вèнчам, etc.

The verb ‘to be’ in southern and southwestern regions: èсам, èси, èсти, èсме, èсте, èсе. To the north: сè/сѝ, сѝ, è, cмè, cтè, сè. In Dolna Korèshcha the archaic form èсти ‘is’ is used together with è.

The suffix for first person singular present tense for first and second conjugation is -а: о̀да ‘go’, вèл’а ‘say’, сèда ‘sit’, лèжа ‘lay’, го̀тва ‘to cook’, мъ̀лза ‘to milk’, йàда ‘eat’.

The suffix for first person plural present tense for all verbs is -ме: го̀твиме ‘we cook’, бèгаме ‘we run’, кѝниме ‘we tear’, пỳлиме ‘we see’, рабо̀таме ‘we work’.

The suffix for third person plural present tense for all verbs is -e: тѝйа о̀де ‘they go’, повèл’ве ‘they order’, сèде ‘they sit’, лèже ‘they lie’, го̀тве ‘they cook’, помѝнве ‘they pass’.

First conjugation is replaced by second conjugation: прèндиш ‘you spin’, к’е стàни ‘will become’, к’е до̀йдиш ‘you shall come’, к’е те вѝкни ‘will call you’, пèчиме ‘we bake’.

The perfect is formed with ѝмам + past participle for neutral gender: ѝмам одèно ‘I have gone’, ѝма писàно ‘(he) has written’, ѝмe видèно ‘they have seen’, ѝмаме научèно ‘we have learnt’.

Except all peripheral villages in Popole and in Zhelevo where it is -а/-йа, the suffix for third person plural in aorist is -e: видо̀е ‘they saw’, сакàе ‘they wanted’, направѝе ‘they made’, казàе ‘they said’, завервàе ‘they believed’.

The particle for future tense is за to the south and к’е to the north: за о̀да на цḁ̀рква ‘I'll go to church’ за до̀йда ỳтре ‘I'll come tomorrow’, за наỳчиме ‘we'll learn’, за мèса пѝта ‘I'll knead a pita’, к’е фърл’а ‘I'll throw’, к’е те нàйди ‘he'll find you’, к’е пристѝгниме опо̀зде ‘we'll arrive late’. The за particle is characteristic especially for Nestram, Yanoveni (Γιαννοχώρι) and Pilkati (Μονοπλίο). They use such expressions as "За ойме за Пилкати!" Because of these unique expressions, the surrounding villages in the region gave the nickname to the inhabitants of these three villages "За о̀йци" (The goers).

The imperative forms are accented on the first syllable: фàти го за ръ̀ката ‘take his hand’, до̀несите тро во̀да ‘bring some water’, зàпалите го о̀гно ‘light the fire’. The negative imperative is formed with нèмай: нèмай сѝне, не о̀ди на чужѝна ‘don't go abroad, son’.

The adverbial participles are formed with the suffices -àшчем, -èшчем: одèшчем ‘going’, викàшчем ‘calling’, гредèшчем ‘coming’.

The affirmative particle да ‘yes’ is not used in the dialect and is substituted by так/такà.

Syntax

The clitic pronouns are put in front of the verb with an obligatory doubling of the objective case pronouns: ми го звè пàлтото ‘he took my coat’, си я вѝде шчèрката ‘she saw her daughter’, му открадѝе свѝчкo на л’удйата ‘they stole everything in the people’, бàбата си го мѝлва мнỳчето ‘the grandma loves her grand child’.

Vocabulary features

Typical words for the dialect are: мъ̀тка ‘milk churner’, биенѝца ‘buttermilk’, гърчмàлник ‘weasand’, пл’àчки ‘clothes’, лàпка ‘apple’, лигàвец ‘snail’, литàшка ‘butterfly’, мѝсер ‘maize’, грèда ‘to come’, киселѝна ‘vinegar’, гъ̀рст ‘handful’, прàвдо/прàвда ‘cattle’, орѝзник ‘rice pie’, бучèва ‘noise’, то̀ски ‘only one’, гъ̀рча ‘to snore’, шчèвйе ‘dock (plant, Rumex sp.)’, седèло/сидèло ‘nest’, бѝше ‘pig’, жѝгер/джѝгер ‘liver’, л’èп ‘beautiful’, л’ендѝна ‘fallow, meadow’, къснѝвам/къ̀сна ‘take a bite’, покланàтйе ‘greeting’, ро̀т ‘face’I, ми сè мни ‘it seems to me’, вел’а ‘to say’, пỳл’а ‘to look’, се л’ỳта ‘to get angry’, ъ̀рва/к’ѝна ‘to tear’, макàло ‘porridge’, макàлце ʻforkʼ, благо̀та ‘dairy products’, ỳрда, ‘curd’, мàс ‘butter’, мàсло ‘vegetable oil’, сàло ‘lard’, бизèл’йа ‘peas’, àрмас ‘engagement’, брàк ‘wedding’, кàй (← кàк и) ‘as well as’ (in the notheastern periphery (Chereshnitsa, Zagoricheni, Mokreni etc.) кàто is used), свèска ‘sister-in-law’, къ̀рша ‘break’, мъ̀лза ‘to milk’, шѝпер ‘backbone’, Сèчко ‘February’, Чървèник ‘June’, пъ̀рле ‘young donkey’, кръ̀нк ‘round low table for kneading dough’, со̀ба ‘stove’, крèвам/крèна ‘to lift’, бачѝло ‘dairy’, чỳпа ‘girl’, йат ʻpoisonʼ, клàвам/клàда ‘to put’, планỳчка ‘strawberry’, по̀тквас ‘yogurt, sour milk’, беèро ʻfellow villagerʼ, шо̀пи ‘a name for the inhabitants of Gorna Koreshcha and Dolna Prespa, used in Smъrdesh, Vъmbel, and Vrъbnik villages).

Intradialect lexical differences: кувàрки (Popole) – вѝфки (Korèshcha) – к’елèшк’и (Dolni Kostur region) ‘sarmi’; рѝза (Dolna Korèshcha, Dolni Kostur region) – муфèска (Popole) – шимѝйа (Zagoricheni and Chereshnitsa) ‘head scarf’; тèмен (Dolna Korèshcha) – нѝн (Popole) ‘their’; имо̀ник/кàрпус (Dolni Kostur region) – либинѝца (Chereshnitsa) ‘watermelon’; патàти (Popole, Dolni Kostur region) – къртỳли (Gorna and Dolna Koreshcha) ‘potatoes’.

Samples

Drenòveni

Labro Karolov, narrator

Тàтко-ми Лàзо Королоф е-рòден во-сèло Дренòвени, во-гòрната мàла, чо-му-велиме Гòрно Дренòвени. Се-знàе, чо-е-рòден на-Голèма Богордѝца, а-годѝната нè-си-е знае тòкму, зàшчо ка-а-лапнàе гъ̀рците нàшата Македòня со-съ̀рпцка пòмош, свѝчки църкòвни кнѝги и-тефтèри и-изгорèе, заш-бèе писàни по-бългàрцки. Мѝслиме, чо-е- рòден на-ильàда дèветстотини и-фтòра годѝна и-сèга èсти на- девèндесе и-дèвет годѝни. Прèд-да-се фàти Балкàнцкьо бòй дванàйста годѝна дèдо-ми Лàбро Корòлоф бèше на-чужѝна во-Атѝна кай-мàйстор (майстор ‘construction worker’). Ка-рàзбра, чо-ке-е-у̀дре на-Ту̀рця, той го-вя̀на (вявам/вяна ‘to board’) пàмпуро (пампур 'ship') за̀ено со-дру̀ги на̀ши косту̀рчени пра̀во за-Ва̀рна и-сс-пѝса доброволец во- балга̀рцката а̀рмя да-се-бо̀ри за-слобо̀дата на-Македо̀ня. Загѝна на- фрòнто. То̀чно дèка-му-е гро̀бо, нѝкой не-зна̀е. Дѐдо-ми Ла̀бро и-по̀- ра*но има̀ше о̀дено о Атѝна да-рабòта. Ста̀рите дреновчѐни во- Кана̀да разкажва̀е, чо-дѐдо-ми Ла̀бро за̀рди егза̀рхо се-ска̀рил со- нѐкой-си фанатѝк гъ̀рк во-Атѝна. Гъ̀рко му-рѐкол на-дѐдо-ми: „Да-ти-го̀ ѐба балга̀рцкьо ѐгзарх.“ Тога̀я му-отвъ̀рнал дѐдо-ми Ла̀бро: „Да-му-сѐ сѐра на-та̀я вошльоса̀на бра̀да на-твòйо пъ̀рч гъ̀рцки патрѝка“. Почна̀ле да-се-бѝе. Гъ̀рко од-дѐдо-ми Ла̀бро я̀де бо̀й со- òки. Гъ̀рко го-да̀шол дѐдо-ми на-съ̀ндо. Гъ̀рко напра̀вил пòплак (пòплак ‘plea’), чо дѐдо-ми го-испцу̀л патрѝката. Кадѝята го- пѝтал на-дѐдо-ми Ла̀бро, за̀шчо го-ѝзби. Дѐдо-ми му-удвъ̀рнал, чо- тòй пъ̀рф ми-гò испцу̀ бълга̀рцкьо ѐкзарх и-пъ̀рф ме-у̀дри. Кадѝята сандèше право и-да̀де пра̀во на-дѐдо-ми Ла̀бро. А̀ма го-вѝкнал скрѝшум да-му-ка̀жи, чо-ес̀ти опа̀сно да-оста̀ни о-Атѝна, мо̀же да-го- спа̀стре (спастрѝвам/спа̀стра ‘kill, assassinate’). И-та̀ка дѐдо-ми бѐше прину̀ден да-се-въ̀рни о-Дрено̀вени. А̀ма по-врѐме па-отѝшал во-Атѝна.

Smъ̀rdesh

Anton Mangov, narrator

Сѐло Смъ̀рдеш ѐсти блѝзо до-алба̀нцката гранѝца, на-жа̀дето мѐжду Алба̀ня и-Гъ̀рця. Има̀ше и-телонѝо (телонѝо - гр. ‘customs’) та̀мо. Кога дойдòе гъ̀рците два̀йста годѝна, направѝе голѐмо телонѝо, òти беше големо движѐнйето мѐжду Алба̀ня и-Гъ̀рця. О-ту̀рцко-врèме бѐше голѐмо сѐло, има̀ше на̀т-три* ильа̀ди ду̀ши, става̀ше сѐкоа недèльа па̀зар. А̀ма ту̀рците го-изгорѐе, го-изгорèе два̀-пъ*та, за̀шчо сѐлото бѐше комѝцко, булгàрцко. Отта̀мо има̀ше мно̀го войво̀ди - Ва̀силь Чекала̀ров, Па̀ндо Кля̀шеф и-дру̀ги има̀ше. Сѐлото бѐше комѝцко, се-борѐше про̀тиф ту̀рците и-за-то̀ го-изгорѐе ту̀рците. Има̀ше мно̀го отепа̀ни, на̀т-сто* ду̀ши. Сѐлото ѐсти построѐно на- та̀кво мѐсто, шчо-половѝната во̀да от-чѐзмите о̀ди о-Адриатѝческо мо̀ре и-половѝна ка̀мо Егѐйцко мо̀ре. На-та̀ква височѝна ѐсти сѐлото. Ка̀-изго*ре сѐлото, мно̀го на̀рот избѐга. По̀векето дойдòе ту̀а о- Булга̀ря со-фамѝли:те. А-дру̀гите избега̀е. Нѐкой по-Амѐрика, Астра̀льа и-о дру̀ги даржа̀ви.

Dъ̀mbeni

Magda Yumbrukova Vlahova, narrator

Дъ̀мбени бѐше о-планѝната, нема̀ше много по̀лййе. И-то̀, шчо̀-го има̀ше, со трапо̀ви бѐше. И-ридòви мно̀го има̀ше. Ло̀зя мно̀го има̀:ме. О-Лазѝня има̀ше тѐко бла̀го гро̀зйе, шчо̀-се лепѐше на-ръ̀ците. Та̀мо бѐше прѝпек. Съ̀лце печѐше сѝлно и-гро̀зйето бѐше мно̀го бла̀го. По-ѐно врѐме реко̀е, шчо̀-америка̀нците о-ста̀п (стап ‘walking stick’) донеко̀е бо̀лес - филоксѐра. Зафатѝе да-се-су̀ше лòзята. Но̀ви ло̀зя кладо̀е. Сѐга, прѐд-да бѐгаме четѝрйесе и-девѐта годѝна, мнòго-ма*ло ло̀зя остана̀е. А-планѝната има̀ше орѐй, ц̀ела планѝна орѐй. Ко̀га кажва̀е, òти у̀тре ке-се-бѐре орѐйте, цѐлото сѐло сака̀:ме да-òйме да-бѐриме орѐй. Ко̀й ка-мо̀жеше, фатва̀ше. Яс тѝя орѐй и-фа̀ти, ке-й-ишчу̀кам (ишчуквам, ишчукам ‘to thresh’). Сака̀:ме да-фа̀тиме двѐ, трѝ дъ̀рва, да-й-ишчу̀каме орѐйте, да-и-собѐриме и-да-това̀риме врешча (врешче ‘sack’). И-по-пòлййето има̀ше орѐй. А̀ма планѝната бèше за-свѝчки, та̀мо за̀ено и-берѐ:ме. Бла̀ги бѐе кастѝците (кастѝца ‘the soft tissue inside the walnut kernel ’).

Òшчима

Petrana Raykova, narrator

На-Вòдици си-о̀де:ме, се-слèква:ме (се-слèквам/се-слѐча ‘to dress up’), си-о̀деме во-цъ̀рква. Ке-си-nèe, шо̀-ке-си nèe nòno, òттамо се-крèваше (ce-кpèвaм/ce-кpèнa ‘to go to') цèлото сѐло, шо-бѐше. Си- òде:ме на-рèката, ке-о-фъ̀рльае кpècтo во-во̀дата. О̀решки рèката се-вѐлеше. Màлa-рѐка бèшe. И-ке-бèше зàградено та̀ка, ка-бѐше зѝма, од-мрàзо и-ке-о-фъ̀рльае кpècro во-нàтpe во-рѐката и-ке-се- фъ̀рльае дèци, mo-кe-бèa жèнати, мла̀ди да-о-бàpe во-вòдата. Кòй- ке-о фàтваше кpècro и-тòй сѐтне ке-о-зèваше. Ке-пòминваше по-цèлото сѐло. Ke-бèpee nàpи, ке-му-да̀вае и-тоа-бѐше. Сèтне си- òде:ме од-Во̀дици, си-прàе:ме фу̀руглици (фу̀руглица ‘a ceremonial banner made of a long pole with various ornaments on it’) – ъ̀рженье гòлемо, шо-жнѝе нѝвйето и-ке-си-на̀права:ме со-кòнци цъ̀рвени. Кòлачина прàе:ме за-Кòленда и-си-й-въ̀рзва:ме на-фу̀руглицата, шо-бѐе така, фу̀руглици и-вèлее. И-ке-си-зèаме и-на-Во̀дици, àко си-грèде:ме од-во̀дата дру̀гьо-ден. И-си-о̀де:ме во-пòнеделнико по-нѝвйето, си-кла̀а:ме пъ̀рчки од-въ̀рби да-рàзвие èдна, ѐдна въ̀рба и-ъ̀рженица ке-му- клàва:ме и тòа-беше.

Лу̀дово

Elena Petrova, narrator

По̀по Зѝси, ко̀га бèшe то̀й дèте, звè ѐна жèна, Вла̀я, oт-тѐмно сѐло, од-Га̀лишча, мойто cèлo ѐсти Лу̀дово.И-до̀йде то̀й, e-apèca на-Влàя, е-звè. Сѐтне се-сторѝе стройнѝци за-мѐне. Дойдо̀е сèтне тѝя, ойдо̀е пà на-Влàина кḁ̀шча тàм. До̀йде по̀-напре свèкар-ми. До̀йде свèкар- ми и-отѝде на-èна одàя тàка и-нḁ̀тре на-о̀весо се-зака̀чи. О̀вес ѝмеме ен-ку̀п вḁ̀ршен. И-сèна та̀м. И-я̀с помѝна та̀ка и-ме-вѝде. И-сѐтне отѝде до̀ма-му - „Ѐли тàс ке-е зѐмиме, èли дру̀га нè, тàс“. Убàва, тѐкo гу̀шник (гу̀шник ‘neck’) ѝме. Cèra нèмам ни-гу̀шник, ни-кàмен. „И-та̀с ке-е-зѐма“. И-то̀й до̀йде да-ме-пу̀ли, та̀м де-бèше Вла̀ина пенджèра, од-Влàя, та̀мо от-пòпo Ко̀льо. И-дойдо̀е, то̀й ме-глèда, я̀с за-во̀да. Магѝрката е-ѝме товарèно со-букленѝшча (бу̀кле ‘water vessel’) тѐко голèми и-двà ко̀тли на-рḁ̀ците вода пḁ̀лни. Од-далѐко но̀симе во̀да. И-помѝна по-та̀м. И-èтo сетне ме-видо̀е тѝя от-пенджѐрата. И-дойдо̀е сѐтне. До̀йде, ми-го-клàде пḁ̀рстено на-рḁ̀ката и-побѐгна. Сèтне петна̀йсе дѐна сва̀дбата. На-петнàйсе дèна се-звèме.

Ѐзерец

Dina Naskova, narrator

И-звѐе дѐците да-и-изва̀де на-перѝпото (перѝпото - гр. ‘walk’). И-ойдо̀е на-ѐдно мѐсто - Свѐти Илѝя го-ка̀жвиме. Та̀му бѐше горя̀на (burned) цè̥рква, а̀ма Свѐти Илѝя го-вѐлиме. Та̀му ѝма голѐми дò̥мбя, широ̀ки. Ойдо̀е та̀му дѐците. Па-мòйте бѐе двѐ. Леонѝт се- ка̀жви дѐтето и-чу̀пчето Гликирѝя. Ойдо̀е, ѝгре, чѝне, пра̀ве та̀му. Да̀скалут и-даскалѝцата сèде. До̀бре, а̀ма Гликирѝя му-ка̀жви на-бра̀т-му, на-Леонѝт: „Леонѝда, а̀йде до̀ма да-си-о̀йме, ми-се-я̀ди лѐп. - А, ти-се-я̀ди лѐп! Ба̀р (come) ту̀ка, ба̀р ту̀ка Гликирѝя“. Ка-е-фа̀ти учѝтелут, бо̀й, ти-зѐва вè̥рца (вè̥рца ‘thread, rope’), му-и-вè̥рдзви но̀чките (но̀чка ‘small leg’) и-са-кай-до̀лу гла̀ва от-фѝданут, од-дò̥мбут вѝси. И-со̀бра цѐли дѐци от-ско̀лййето да-глѐде. „Глѐдайте, му-рѐче, то̀й, ко̀й за (will)-го̀вори по-булга̀рцки, та̀ка ке-вѝси, цѐли та̀ка ке-ви-обѐса“. До̀бре, а̀ма дѐтето мо̀е по̀-голе*мо, шо-е-глѐда сѐстра, сѐстра, тѝе зна̀е од-мѝлос, од-братовчѝна, мо̀ли : „Пу̀шчи-е“, а-тòй нѐ-е пу̀шчи. Ка-ло̀пна (‘took’) ка̀меня и-на-да̀скалут са-ка̀меня да-го-бѝе. Од-некòе врѐмe ro-пу̀шчи чу̀пето. Рò̥ците му-и-имàше цèли чèрни от-стàпут. Са-ста̀п е-бувàше обесèна кай-дòлу са-глàва. Рò̥чките (рò̥чка ‘small hand’) му-бéе сѝни, сѝни прò̥тя, кàшчо го- бѝеше са-ста̀пут. До̀йде чу̀пето да-у̀мбри. На-сѐдом гудѝнки бèшe чу̀пето, а-дèтето бèшe на-дѐвет. Ка̀-го-пу̀шчи до̀лу чу̀пето от-вè̥рца-та, шо-го-имàше забесèно са-кай-дòлу гла̀ва, той рàзбра, шо-чу̀пето ке-у̀мбри. Бѐше загинàто от-свèтут, не-мòжеше нѝ-да плàчи, нѝ-да збòрви, цèло премè̥рзна. Ка-го-донесòе до̀ма, ни-я̀й, ни-пѝе два̀, трѝ дèна. О̀йду на-лèкар, той кàжви : „Крàй, чу̀пето нèма кè̥рф, кè̥рфта му-стàна во̀да“. Ka-бèшe червèно, бèло, пò̥лно тогàс, жò̥лто ста̀на и-ѐшче жò̥лто èсти. Cèгa ècти ту̀ка на-Пàзарджик, от-тогàс сè̥рцето е-бòли, жò̥лто кè̥рпус оста̀на чу̀пата. От-себа̀п сè̥рцето на-пèнся ѐсти мла̀да. Тàка нàшче о̀чи йме видèно. Гè̥рцкьут дàскал се-кàжвише Сотѝри Секеларѝу. Ка-дòйде до̀ма тàтко-му и-му-кàза чу̀пето тàка и-тàка, то̀й рѐче : „За-го-убѝя, за-òда, за-е зèма пу̀шката и-за-го-умòра. Я̀с йм скриèно пу̀шка за-тѝе мè̥рсни гè̥рци, нèма да-го-тè̥рпа, ке-го-ишчѝста.“ И-и-грѝзеше рò̥ците от-ѝнат. Не-мòжиме да-го-заборàвиме тòс нèшчо.

Тио̀лишче (Тихо̀лишче)

Dota Voynovska, narrator

Бра̀ко во-Тио̀лишча го-фа̀тваме от-четвъ̀ртуко. Пра̀йме калѐзма (калèзмо ‘a small flat bread for wedding invitation’) и-на-вечèрата се-субèрваме со̀йо, чу̀пите. Òйме да-и-калѐсваме посестрѝмите, шo-cè по̀-бли*зни. На-пèтуко мèсиме дру̀ги калèзма. Òйме го-калèсваме со̀йо. Калèзмата cè пупченѝшча, си-и-мèсиме. Òйме да-и-калèсваме на-дѐцата, блѝзните со̀йови. На-сабо̀тата ко̀ле воло̀ви йли о̀фци. И ко̀ле кулакчѝ:те (кулакчѝя ‘a bachelor who invites guests and helps the groom’), блѝзните шо-cè ут-стра̀на на-дèтто, од-зѐто. Од-нивèстата стра̀на тѝя ко̀ле дру̀г-во*л за-нèйньо со̀й. Слет-плàйна и-чèкаме гелевѝ:те (гелевѝ: ‘musicians, orchestra’), и-пречèкваме са-рикѝя, са-вѝно. Ке-о̀йме да-и-чèкаме, ке-у̀дре о̀ше од-далèко, от-сѐлото да-свѝре. Рàдва-се. И-тогà: са-знае - „Ей, то̀й прàй брàк“. Дойдо̀е гелевѝ:те, излèгве свѝчки во-сèлто тàму льу̀дята да-глѐде гелевѝ:те шо-свѝре, шо-ста̀ва брàк.

Кондоро̀би

Dota Kamburova, narrator

Ту̀рцко врѐме бѐше. Удѐ:ме на-буга̀рцко скòйле. Я̀с на-òсум гудѝни бѐше. Да̀скал ѐдната гудѝна ни-бѐше Ла̀мбро, дру̀гата гудѝна бѐше Катерѝна ут-Прѝлеп. Мѝтра бѐше па̀ ут-Прѝлеп, уд-ѐдно сѐло бѐе ут-Прѝлеп. Ла̀мбро бѐше уд-Бѝтульа. Я̀с учѐше пъ̀рвата гудѝна, та̀ка не-учѐе, нема̀ше нѝшчо, да-пѝшиме на-плòча са-кòндилй. Пѝши, брѝши са-кòндилй. А-фтòрата гудѝна ни-дадòе буква̀рка - А, Б, В. Та̀я и-фтòрата гудѝна, я̀ска нѐ-го свъ̀рши скòйлето. Ни-дадòе ут-пъ̀рво уделѐйне чита̀нка, а̀ма нѐ-го свъ̀рши скòйлето. До̀йде Гъ̀рця, затвурѝе. А-пъ̀к за-цъ̀рквата. Скòйлето бѐше ту̀ка, та̀му бѐше на- ѐдна пѐнда цъ̀рквата. Буга̀рцка цъ̀рква има̀:ме и-буга̀рцко скòйле има̀:ме. И-гъ̀рцка цъ̀рква има̀ше, гаркома̀нцки фамилѝ: има̀ше, едина̀йсе къ̀шчи бѐе. Буга̀рте, демѐк нѝя македо̀нците, има̀:ме двайсетѝна къ̀шчи, бѐе. Тѝя нѐ-знае*е гъ̀рцки. Македòнцки си-гувурѐ:ме, буга̀рцки.

Чърѐшница

Teodota and Stefan Shklifovi, narrators

У-ку̀кьата са-влѐгва ут-пòрта, велѐ:ме и-у-къ̀шчата. По̀ртата е-пу̀-гулѐма уд-вра̀тта. Су-двѐ-по*ли (по̀ла ‘door wing’) е-правѐна за-да-мòжи да-влѐзи тува̀рън ко̀н су-жѝто нъ̀тре. Прет-пòртата ѝма пра̀к. Пра̀го са-пра̀ви уд-здра̀во-дъ*рво - дъ̀п или-бу̀ка, кой ка-ѝма. Ут-пòртата са-влѐгва у-путрѐмо (путрѐм ‘anteroom’). Путрѐмо пу̀-ра*но бѐше ма̀зан су-цъ̀рвена зѐма. Ут-путрèмо са-òди на-дòлната уда̀а, сòба (сòба ‘living room') му-вѐлиме и-у-кѐрало. Ут-путрѐмо ѝма ска̀ла за-чарда̀ко. Чарда̀ко е-нъ̀т-путрèмо, ут-шчѝци-е. Ут-ча̀рдако (ча̀рдак ‘anteroom on the second floor’) са-влѐгва у-гòрните уда̀й. Една̀ удая̀ ѝма бѐс-о*джак, му-ка̀жваме дива̀на (дива̀на ‘summer room’). Та̀-е за-гòсти за-лèтно-вре*ме. Дру̀гите уда̀й ѝме òджак, са-пòлзве и-зѝмно- вре«ме за-спа̀йне и-за-гòсти пу-именѝшчата. Ко̀га гредѐя го̀сти, зѝмната уда̀я са-пустелйва̀ше су-нòви веленцѝна и-а̀лцки (а̀лцки ‘crimson’) велѐнца на-башòвите (ба̀ш ‘the central place in front of the fireplace’) и-уба̀ви чѐрги на-къ̀то. Зѝмната уда̀я и-сòбата има̀я òджак. Натрѐжната (натрѐжен ‘inner’) стрàна пуд-о̀джако до̀лу се-кàжва клàник. Tàмy ca-пàли òгано. À-о̀кул за̀кул клàнико ca-вèли угнѝшче, уд-двèте стра̀ни ду-угнѝшчето и-стѝсо (стѝс ‘brick wall’) - бàш. Угнѝшчето е-пусла̀но су-камèйна и-су-царвèна зèма са-мàчка. На-ста̀ро-вре*ме забесвàа сѝнджир на-о̀джако. На-сѝнджиро забесва̀я гьу̀м, ко̀тъл, ко̀тле во̀да да-са-то̀пли. На-угнѝшчето клава̀а гъ̀рне и-си-варѐя мàнджа. Свѝчко варèя у- гъ̀рне. Ако-бèше мѐсо, гу-праклавàа (пракла̀вам, пракла̀да ‘transfer from one vessel to the other’) у-бакарèно тинджèре су-пра̀с, су-кро̀мит, су-патàти, зèлйка. Тинджѐрто гу-клава̀а на-пиро̀стьа, му-вѐлиме и-перустѝя. Céra го̀ре-до*лу, цèли ѝме ашчалъ̀ци (ашчалъ̀к ‘kitchen’).

Загорѝчени

Sotir Dolev, narrator

На-васта̀йнето дѐвет стутѝни и-трѐтата гудѝна кумѝтте има̀я кладѐно каза̀ни на-планѝнката Въ̀рбица, шу-сѐ намѐрва на̀д-Загури*чини. Ка̀-се я̀ви уздо̀ла ут-Ка̀йнако ту̀рцкьо а̀скер, каза̀ните и-уставѝя та̀ка. Нѐкуй кла̀де фа̀рмак (фа̀рмак ‘poison’) на-каза̀ните. Некѐлку ту̀рци ядо̀а ут-ка̀зано и-се утрувѝя. Су-то̀ва гу-изгурѐя цѐлуто сѐло. Ту̀рците утидо̀а и-на-манастѝро Сети-Вра̀ч на̀д- О*лишча, мегу-Олишча и-Черѐшница, а̀ма нѐ-влего*я нъ̀тре. Игу̀мено варѐше чинѝчка (чинѝчка ‘maize’) и-му-дава̀ше на-сельа̀ните. Ѐдна жѐна, ка-удѐя на-манастѝро, ко̀га бега̀я, си-гу-фъ̀рли дѐтто. Ка-бега̀а, дру̀ги гу-намерѝя. На-чу̀вачо (чу̀вач ‘keeper’) на-цъ̀рквата Сети-Та̀нас гу-фатѝя ту̀рците. Цъ̀рквата а-завартѝя и-утепа̀я едина̀йсе четнѝци. И-утта̀му ту̀рците звѐя, фатѝя каму̀ Прекупа̀на и-Вѝчо.

Most of the material in this post is from the book Иван Илиев, Лабро Королов. Българска диалектология. Българските говори в Северозападна Гърция, Албания и Косово and from Shklifov [1]. Some material is contributed also by Vic Nicolas, my online friend from a Kostur origin.

References

1. Благой Шклифов. Костурският говор: Принос към проучването на югозападните български говори. Българска академия на науките. Институт по български език. София, 1973.

2. Благой Шклифов. Общността на костурския говор с говора на село Бобошчица. — Български език, 1971, кн. 1, с. 71—73.

3. Ст. Стойков. Увод във фонетиката на българския език. София, 1966, с. 84.

4. M. Malecki. Drobiazgi z Macedonji. 4.0 rozwoju samogłosek nosovych w Kosturskiem. 5.0 polskim przycisku w gwarach kosturskolerińskich. Lud. Slowianski. Krakòw, III, 2, 1934, с. А 266–287.

5. Н. Ван-Вейк. История старославянското языка, перевод с немецкого. Москва, 1957, с. 68.

6. К. Мирчев. Историческа граматика на българския език, с. 139.

7. Ст. Романски. Долновардарският говор. — Македонски преглед, 1932, кн. 1, с. 106—113.

8. В. Думев. Воденският говор. — Македонски преглед, 1943, кн. 3, стр. 25—41.

9. Ст. Стойков. Към диалектния вокализам на българския език (преглас на гласна а в гласна е). — В: Славистичен сборник. С., 1963, 285—290.

10. Ст. Младенов. Етимологически и правописен речник на българския книжовен език. С., 1941, с. 281

11. Б. Цонев. Към историята на българския език. МСБ, т. XIX, с. 277

12. А. М. Селищев. Очерки болгарских диалектов в Македонии. с. 277.

Bulgarian language

13 November 2022

Kostur dialect (Костурски говор)

Gorna and Dolna Koreshcha

Popole

Nestramsko

Kostenarìa

Place of Kostur dialect among the other Bulgarian dialects

General characteristics of Kostur dialect

Characteristic features in phonetics

Characteristic features in morphology

Syntax specifics

Lexical features

Internal differences

Phonetics

Modern state of the phonetic system

Vowel phonemes

Short vowel phonemes

Vowel phoneme a

Vowel phoneme o

Vowel phoneme e

Vowel phoneme и

Vowel phoneme у

Vowel phoneme ъ

Vowel phoneme ô

Vowel phoneme â

Doubled vowel phonemes

Conclusions

Consonant phonemes

Hard consonant phonemes

Soft consonant phonemes

Consonant phoneme й

Consonant phoneme к'

Consonant phoneme г'

Consonant phoneme л'

Alternation of hard and soft consonant phonemes

Alternation of voiceless and voiced consonant phonemes

Conclusions

Phonetic changes

Reflexes

Reflexes of OBg. ъ

Reflexes of OBg. ь

Reflexes of OBg. ѣ (Yat)

Reflexes of the OBg. ѫ and ѧ

Reflexes of шт, жд

Reflexes of чрѣ-, чрь-

Reflexes of ръ — рь

Reflexes of лъ — ль

Groups вн, бн

Consonant х

Conclusions

Reduction of vowels

Reduction of the vowel a

Reduction of the vowel o

Reduction of the vowel e

Vowel reduction of e in Chereshnitsa

Vowel replacement

Replacement a with e

Replacement of o with a (akane)

Replacement of o with у

Dropping of vowels

Dropping of vowels in the middle of words

Metathesis of vowels and consonants

Transition of soft to hard consonants

Insertion of consonants

Dropping of consonants

Insertion and dropping of syllables

Palatalization of к, г, х, т, д, з, с

Other phonetic changes due to softening and to other causes

Replacement of one consonant with another

Anticipation

Accent

Accent in nouns

Masculine nouns

Feminine nouns

Neuter nouns

Accent on adjectives

Gradated forms

Accent on numerical names

Accent on pronouns